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Manshu/Chapter 3

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Manshu by Fan Chuo, edited by Palace Museum Library, translated from Template:ISO 639 name by Walter Stanish and  Wikisource
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Translator's note

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This section is relatively difficult to translate given the frequency of weird nomenclature, some nontrivial grammar structures with inadequate context, and the degree to which the geographical context jumps about. I am doing my best but you should regard the below as mostly questionable.

Translation

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Part One: The (Western) Upper Yangtse River and Environs

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part One: The Upper Yangtse River and Environs
Original Translation
六詔並烏蠻，又稱八詔，蓋白巖城時傍及劍川矣羅識二詔之後。 The six kingdoms (六詔) combined with the black barbarians (烏蠻) are also known as the eight kingdoms (八詔). Initially,[1] from his hideout[2] at Báiyánchéng (白巖城; lit. 'City of the [white/blank/snowy] cliffs'[3][4]) The Shíbàng (時傍) [tribe][5] approached Jiànchuān (劍川; lit. '[Sword/dagger] river-plain'[6]), Yǐluóshí (矣羅識) ... two kingdoms (二詔)?
開元元年中，蒙歸義攻石橋城，閣羅鳳攻石和，亦八詔之數也。 Then,[7] in the first year of the Kaiyuan era (ie. 713-714), Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) attacked Shíqiáochéng (石橋城; lit. 'Walled town of the stone bridge') and Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) attacked Shíhé (石和; lit. 'The [peaceful/harmonious/grouped] stones'), thus bringing the count to eight kingdoms.
時傍母，蒙歸義之女，妻閣羅鳳(案：《新唐書·南詔傳》雲，時傍母，歸義女，其女復妻閣羅鳳。據其文，則此妻字上應有「其女復」三字，蓋原本脫誤)。 The Shíbàng Queen (時傍母),[8] the daughter of Méngguīyì (蒙歸義), married Géluófèng (閣羅鳳). (Previous transliterator's note: In the History of the Later Tang Dynasty (新唐書) chapter on Nánzhào (南詔傳) it states that Shíbàng's Queen...)
初，咩羅皮既敗，時傍入居邆州，招誘上浪，得數千戶。 Initially — after Miēluópí (咩羅皮) was defeated — the Shíbàng (時傍) moved to reside in Téngzhōu[9] (邆州) in order to recruit[10] those who had been defeated or displaced [in the conflict],[11] gathering a thousand families.[12]
後為閣羅鳳所猜，遂遷居白崖城。 Afterwards it is suspected[13] that Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) moved his place of residence to Báiyánchéng (白巖城).
及劍川羅識與神川都督言語交通(案：原本「川都督」上脫「神」字，今據《新唐書》增入)，時傍與其謀，俱求立為詔。 Approaching Jiànchuān (劍川) to gather information, he engaged in dialog with the Shénchuāndūdū (神川都督; lit. 'Commander of the Shenchuan River-plain'), (Previous transliterator's note: Originally the character 神 was spuriously omitted, it was re-added in the History of the Later Tang Dynasty (新唐書) version of the text.) and the Shíbàng (時傍) rather than resisting,[14] immediately became an additional kingdom.[15]
謀泄，時傍被殺害。 Then, the Shíbàng (時傍) were slaughtered.
羅識北走神川，神川都督送羅些二城(案：此條雖不標詔名，據上文，則時傍及羅識亦在詔數也)。 Upon scouting northward to Shénchuān (神川; lit. '[Heavenly or unusual] River-plain'; ie. the upper Yangtse valley above the first bend[16]), the Shénchuāndūdū (神川都督; lit. 'Commander of the Shenchuan [ie. Upper Yangtse] River-plain') offered up two towns.[17] (Previous transliterator's note: Even though this phrase does not name the settlement, according to the previous text, the Shibang were scouting a counted kingdom.)

The Kingdoms

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Part Two: The Kingdom of Méngguī (蒙巂)

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part Two: The Kingdom of Méngguī (蒙巂)
Original Translation
蒙巂，一詔最大。 Méngguī (蒙巂; ie. the border of modern Weishan/Yangbi prefectures, southwest of the Erhai plateau[18]) was the largest of all the kingdoms.
初，巂輔首卒(案：「輔」原本作「轉」，今從《新唐書·南詔傳》改正)，無子。 Initially, Méngguī (蒙巂) was founded[19] (Previous transliterator's note: The character 輔 was 轉 (carrying the same meaning as modern 從) in the original, but was corrected in the History of the Later Tang Dynasty.) by a military leader[20] with no children.
源羅子年弱，及照源在南詔。 Yuánluó (源羅) had a weak son who joined with Zhàoyuán (照源) in Nánzhào (南詔).
蒙歸義密有兼吞之意，推恩啗利，源眾歸焉。 Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) wished to overcome both of them, attempted to lure them with kindnesses, but they did not take the bait.
居數月，俘照源及源羅子遂，並其地。 After several months, Yuánluó (源羅) finally took both Zhàoyuán (照源) and his own son prisoner.

Part Three: The Kingdom of Móxiēzhào (磨些詔) or Yuèxī (越析) and the Yuzèng Tribe (於贈部落) or Yángduò (楊墮)

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part Three: The Kingdom of Móxiēzhào (磨些詔) or Yuèxī (越析) and the Yuzèng Tribe (於贈部落) or Yángduò (楊墮)
Original Translation
越析，一詔也，亦謂之磨些詔。 Yuèxī (越析) was one of the [six] kingdoms, also known as Móxiēzhào (磨些詔).
部落在賓居，舊越析州也。 The tribe reside in the old Yuèxī (越析) river-plain.
去囊蔥由一日程。 To Nángcōngyóu (囊蔥由) it is a single day's journey.
有豪族張尋求(案：「張」原本作「帳」，今從《新唐書·南詔傳》改正)，白蠻也。 There is a heroic tribe known as Zhāngxúnqiú (張尋求), (Previous transliterator's note: The character 張 was originally recorded as 帳, according to the edition published within the History of the Later Tang Dynasty chapter on Nánzhào《新唐書·南詔傳》) who are totally uncivilized[21] barbarians.
貞元中，通詔主波沖之妻，遂陰害波沖。 During the Zhēnyuán Reign (ie. 785—805),[22] the wife of the [Yuexi] kingdom's ruler Bōchōng (波沖) did harm to his rule.
劍南節度巡邊至姚州，使召尋求笞殺之。 The Jiànnán Commandery (劍南節度) patrols[23] the edge of [24] Yáozhōu (姚州[25]), in order to locate and punish murderers.[26]
遂移其諸部落，以地並於南詔。 Then[27] all[28] the tribes[29] moved,[30] in order to merge with Nánzhào (南詔).
波沖兄子於贈提攜家眾，走，降鐸鞘(案：「鐸鞘」乃兵器，據後《物產篇》內有越析詔於贈「天降鐸鞘」雲雲，疑此「走」字上當有「出」字，「降」字上當有「天」字)。 Bōchōng's Elder Brother's Son (波沖兄子) personally presented many families, then departed, and a Duóqiào [weapon] miraculously descended [from heaven]. (Previous transliterator's note: A Duóqiào「鐸鞘」 is a type of weapon. According to Chapter 7: Products of regions under Yunnan governance (云南管内物产; yúnnán guǎnnèi wùchǎn), the Yuèxī Kingdom (越析詔) was gifted a Heavenly Duóqiào (天降鐸鞘; lit. 'Sky-[fallen/descended] Duóqiào') and so on. It is suspected[31] the character 「走」('go') would have been preceded by a「出」('outward' or 'depart'), and that the character 「降」('descended') would have been preceded by 「天」('heaven').)
東北渡瀘，邑龍佉沙，方一百二十裏，周迥石岸，其地總謂之雙舍。 Crossing the [Upper Yangtse?[32]] river to the northeast, the village of[33] Lóngqūshā (龍佉沙; lit. 'Dragon [Expelling or Dispersing][34] the Sands') is 120 li [ie. ~60km[35]] distant. Surrounded by distant stone shores,[36] all the land is known as Shuāngshè (雙舍; lit. 'The Two Residences')
於贈部落亦名楊墮，居河之東北。 The Yuzèng Tribe (於贈部落; Yuzèng bùluò; probably a transliteration without meaning[37]) are also known as the Yángduò (楊墮; lit. 'the fallen poplar [tree]'[38]), and reside to the northeast of the river.[39]
後蒙歸義隔瀘城，臨逼於贈，再戰皆敗。 Later, this was the Gélúchéng [City] (隔瀘城) of Méngguīyì (蒙歸義). It faced the Yuzèng (於贈), with whom all military encounters ended in defeat.
長男閣羅鳳自請將兵，乃擊破楊墮，於贈投瀘水死。 The eldest son Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) personally raised an army and attacked Yángduò (楊墮), whereupon the Yuzèng (於贈) cast themselves in to the Lúshuǐ [River] (瀘水)[40] to die.
數日始獲其屍，並得鐸鞘。 It took a full day to collect their corpses, which is how the [Heavenly] Duóqiào (鐸鞘) was obtained.

Part Four: The Kingdom of Làngqióng (浪穹) and The Breaking of the Wave (劍浪)

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part Four: The Kingdom of Làngqióng (浪穹) and The Breaking of the Wave (劍浪)
Original Translation
浪穹，一詔也。 Làngqióng (浪穹) is another of the kingdoms.
詔主豐時、豐咩兄弟俱在浪穹。 Its rulers[41] are the brothers Fēngshí (豐時) and Fēngmiē (豐咩), who [also] reside in Làngqióng (浪穹).
後豐咩襲邆賧居之，由是各為一詔。 Fēngmiē (豐咩) attacked the capital of Téngdǎn (邆賧)[42] in order to absorb it[43] in to the kingdom.
豐時卒，子羅鐸立。 When Fēngshí (豐時) died, his son Luóduó (羅鐸[44]) ascended.[45]
羅鐸卒，子鐸邏望立，為浪穹州刺史。 When Luóduó (羅鐸) died, his son Luóduówàng (鐸邏望[46]) ascended, and became the governor of Làngqióng Province (浪穹州[47]).
與南詔戰敗，以部落退保劍川，故盛稱劍浪。 Làngqióng (浪穹) lost a war[48] against Nánzhào (南詔), due to losing the [allegiance or military position or military unit of the?] tribe at Jiànchuān (劍川), thus this event is known as The Breaking[49] of the Wave[50] (劍浪). [nb. because wave is the initial character Làng within Làngqióng]
卒，子望偏立。 At the death of Luóduówàng (鐸邏望), his son Wàngpiān (望偏) ascended.
望偏卒，羅矣羅君立(案：《新唐書·南詔傳》，望偏死，子偏羅矣立。偏羅矣死，子羅君立。與此不同，疑此文有脫誤)。 At Wàngpiān (望偏)'s death, Luóyǐluójūn (羅矣羅君) ascended. (Former transliterator's note: In the History of the Later Tang Dynasty (Nánzhào chapter) when Wàngpiān (望偏) dies, his son Piānluóyǐ (偏羅矣) ascends. When Piānluóyǐ (偏羅矣) dies, his son Luójūn (羅君) ascends. As the sources differ, it is suspected that this copy is missing some text.)
貞元十年，南詔擊破劍川，俘矣羅君，徙永昌。 In the 10th year of the Zhēnyuán reign[51](ie. 795—796), Nánzhào (南詔) attacked and captured Jiànchuān (劍川), took Luójūn (羅君) prisoner and moved him to Yǒngchāng (永昌; ie. modern Baoshan (保山) city).
凡浪穹、邆賧、施浪，總謂之浪人，故雲三浪詔也。 Together Làngqióng (浪穹), Téngdǎn (邆賧), and Shīlàng (施浪) [nb. which has not yet been mentioned, but will be shortly] — all considered barbarians — are known as the three wild kingdoms of ancient Yunnan.

Part Five: The Kingdom of Téngdǎn (邆賧)

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part Five: The Kingdom of Téngdǎn (邆賧)
Original Translation
邆賧，一詔也。 Téngdǎn (邆賧) is another kingdom.
主豐咩，初襲邆賧，禦史李知古(案：「李」原本作「為」，今據《新唐書》改正)領詔出問罪，即日伏辜。 When lord Fēngmiē (豐咩) began to attack Téngdǎn (邆賧), the commander of the defence Lǐzhīgǔ (李知古) (Former transliterator's note: The surname Lǐ 「李」was originally recorded as Wei「為」 — corrected in the text as presented in the History of the Later Tang Dynasty (Nánzhào chapter).) received an order to "come out and be condemned for his crimes", and over the next few days suffered for them.[52]
其子咩羅皮後為邆賧州刺史，與蒙歸義同伐靜河蠻，遂分據大厘城。 Thereafter his son Miēluópí (咩羅皮) became governor Téngdǎn (邆賧) province,[53] and with Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) together launched an offensive against the Jìnghémán (靜河蠻; lit. 'the Barbarians of the Quiet Stream'[54]) then sent a portion of their combined forces[55] to occupy Dàlí City (大厘城).
咩羅皮乃歸義之甥也，弱而無謀。 Miēluópí (咩羅皮) then abdicated[56] in favour of a nephew (son of his sister),[57] of a feeble[58] and unscheming/unambitious[59] nature.
歸義襲其城，奪之，咩羅皮復入邆賧，即與浪穹、施浪兩詔援兵伐歸義。 Méngguīyì (蒙歸義[60]) attacked the city, seizing it, and Miēluópí (咩羅皮) thus returned to Téngdǎn (邆賧), and immediately sought reinforcements from the two kingdoms of Làngqióng (浪穹) and Shīlàng (施浪) to repel Méngguīyì (蒙歸義).
於時既克大厘，葉龍口城，歸義聞三浪兵至，率眾拒戰。 At Dàlí (大厘) and Yèlóngkǒu (葉龍口; lit. 'Leaf-Dragon's Mouth'[61]) city, Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) heard of the united army of the three wild tribes, and raised many people[62] to resist.[63]
三浪大敗，追奔過邆賧，敗卒多陷死於泥沙之中。 The three wild tribes were defeated, and were hastily pursued to Téngdǎn (邆賧). Many were bogged down and trapped in silt en-route and were killed.
咩羅皮從此退居野共川。 Miēluópí (咩羅皮) thereafter retreated to base himself at Yěgòngchuān (野共川; lit. 'Yegong[64] River-valley').
咩羅皮卒，子皮羅邆立。 When Miēluópí (咩羅皮) died, his son Píluóténg (皮羅邆) ascended.
皮羅邆卒，子邆羅顛立。 When Píluóténg (皮羅邆) died, his son Téngluódiān (邆羅顛) ascended.
邆羅顛卒，子顛之托立(案：「顛之托」《新唐書》作「顛文托」)。 When Téngluódiān (邆羅顛) died, his son Diānzhītuō (顛之托) ascended. (Previous transliterator's note: In the History of the Later Tang Dynasty, the name Diānzhītuō「顛之托」is replaced with Diānwéntuō「顛文托」)
南詔既破劍川，收野共，俘顛之托，徙永昌。 Nánzhào (南詔) took Jiànchuān (劍川) and Yěgòngchuān (野共川[65]), captured Diānzhītuō (顛之托) and moved him to Yǒngchāng (永昌; ie. modern Baoshan (保山) city).

Part Six: The Kingdom of Shīlàng (施浪)

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part Six: The Kingdom of Shīlàng (施浪)
Original Translation
施浪，一詔也，詔主施望欠。 Shīlàng (施浪) is another of the kingdoms, and its ruler is Shīwàngqiàn (施望欠).
初，閣羅鳳據石和城，俘施各皮，而望欠援絕。 In the beginning, Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) lived at Shíhé (石和) city,[66] where he took Shīgèpí (施各皮) prisoner, and Shīwàngqiàn (施望欠[67]) helped him to escape.
後與豐咩、咩羅皮同伐蒙歸義，又皆敗潰，退保矣苴和城。 Afterwards he joined with Fēngmiē (豐咩) and Miēluópí (咩羅皮) to attack Méngguīyì (蒙歸義), once again all of their forces were defeated and dispersed, and they retreated to protect Jūhé (苴和[68]) city.
歸義稍從江口進兵，脅其部落。 Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) advanced his army a little from Jiāngkǒu (江口; lit. 'River-mouth'[69]) to threaten the tribes.
無幾，施望欠眾潰，僅以家族之半西走永昌。 Almost immediately, the army of Shīwàngqiàn (施望欠) routed, and half them ran to Yǒngchāng (永昌; ie. modern Baoshan (保山) city).
初聞歸義又軍於瀾滄江東，去必取永昌，不能容。 At the immediate news of this, Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) returned his army to the eastern bank of the Láncāngjiāng [River] (瀾滄江; ie. Mekong[70]) with the need to take Yǒngchāng (永昌), [the resistance of] which he could not ignore.
望欠計無所出，有女名遺南，以色稱，卻遣使求致遺南於歸義，許之。 Shīwàngqiàn (施望欠) had not planned to leave the area,[71] his army having left their womenfolk to the south,[72] so under the circumstances sent an envoy to Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) requesting[73] he spare them.[74]
望欠遂渡瀾滄江，終於蒙舍。 Shīwàngqiàn (施望欠) reached the crossing of the Láncāngjiāng [River] (瀾滄江; ie. Mekong[75]) and eventually the [Kingdom of] Méngshè (蒙舍[76]).

Part Seven: Shīwàngqiān (施望千), Jiànchuān (劍川) and Tǔbō (吐蕃 ie. post-Tibetan Empire Kham Tibet)

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part Seven: Shīwàngqiān (施望千), Jiànchuān (劍川) and Tǔbō (吐蕃 ie. post-Tibetan Empire Kham Tibet)
Original Translation
望欠弟望千，當矣苴和城初敗之時，北走吐蕃。 The younger brother of Shīwàngqiàn (施望欠) was known[77] as Shīwàngqiān (施望千), and at the time of the initial defeat of Jūhé (苴和) city, he turned north for Tǔbō (吐蕃; ie. Tibet).
吐蕃立為詔，歸於劍川，為眾數萬。 Tǔbō (吐蕃; ie. Tibet) was[78] an established kingdom which held good relations with Jiànchuān (劍川), and a large population.[79]
望千生千傍，傍生傍羅顛。 Shīwàngqiān (施望千) had a [student or son] [known as] [Shī]qiānbàng ([施]千傍), who in turn had a [student or son] [known as] Bàngluódiān (傍羅顛).
南詔既破劍川，盡獲施浪部落。 Nánzhào (南詔) had already captured Jiànchuān (劍川), in order to complete their domination of the Shīlàng (施浪) tribe.
傍羅顛脫身走瀘北。 Bàngluódiān (傍羅顛) escaped to Lúběi (瀘北[80]).
今三浪悉平，惟傍羅顛、矣識(案：「矣識」即前所稱「劍川矣羅識」也)子孫在蕃中。(案：望千雖不標詔名，而列於六詔、八詔之間，則以當第七詔也)。 Having now pacified the three tribes, only Bàngluódiān (傍羅顛) remained. The offspring of Yǐluóshí (矣羅識) of Jiànchuān (劍川) (Previous transliterator's note: The source text 「矣識」here refers to Yǐluóshí (矣羅識) of Jiànchuān (劍川).) were in Tǔbō (吐蕃; ie. post-Tibetan Empire Kham Tibet). (Previous transliterator's note: Although Shīwàngqiān (施望千) did not obey the order, in contrast to the six kingdoms, he is considered the seventh kingdom.[81])

Part Eight: The Kingdom of Méngshè (蒙舍)

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part Eight: The Kingdom of Méngshè (蒙舍)
Original Translation
蒙舍，一詔也。 Méngshè (蒙舍) is another of the kingdoms.[82]
居蒙舍川，在諸部落之南，故稱南詔也，姓蒙。 Based in the Méngshè River-valley (蒙舍川), south of all the tribes, it is therefore known as Nánzhào (南詔; lit. 'Southern Kingdom'). It is ruled by the Méng Family (蒙).
貞元年中，獻書於劍南節度使韋臯，自言本永昌沙壺之源也。 During the Zhēngyuán (貞元) reign (ie. 785—805), a book was shown to Wéigāo (韋臯), the Provincial Governor of Jiànnán [Region] (劍南節度使), which originated[83] from Shāhú (沙壺[84]) in Yǒngchāng (永昌; ie. modern Baoshan city).
南詔八代祖舍龍，生龍獨羅，亦名細奴邏。 The eighth generation ancestor of Nánzhào (南詔), Shèlóng (舍龍), had a son Lóngdúluó (龍獨羅) who was also known as Xìnúluó (細奴邏).
當高宗時，遣首領數詣京師朝參，皆得召見，賞錦袍、錦袖紫袍。 During the Gāozōng (高宗) reign (ie. 15 July 649 — 27 December 683), an official was dispatched to participate in the court of the capital and assess their attainments. All envoys were summonsed, and gifted with embroidered gowns with brocaded sleeves of purple.[85]
細奴邏生邏盛炎，炎生盛邏皮，盛邏皮生閣羅鳳(案：《唐書》「盛羅皮」下尚有皮邏閣一代，此本蓋有脫丈)。 Xìnúluó (細奴邏) had a son Luóshèngyán (邏盛炎), who had a son Shèngluópí (盛邏皮), who was the father of Géluófèng (閣羅鳳). (Previous transliterator's note: In the History of the Later Tang Dynasty, after Shèngluópí「盛羅皮」 there is an additional generation listed — Píluógé 「皮邏閣」— who this text omits.)
當天後時，邏盛入朝，其妻方娠，行次姚州，生盛邏皮。 Thereafter, Luóshèngyán (邏盛炎) entered the court. His wife then fell pregnant, then travelled to Yáozhōu (姚州[86]) where Shèngluópí (盛邏皮) was born.
邏盛炎聞而喜曰：「吾且有子承繼，身到漢地，死無憾矣！」既至謁見，大蒙恩獎，敕鴻臚安置，賜錦袍、金帶、繒彩數百匹，歸本國，開元初卒。 Luóshèngyán (邏盛炎) appreciated the saying "To have a son is a legacy, such that when one's body reaches the Chinese[87] earth,[88] one has died without regret."[89] and immediately sought[90] his child, (father or uncle) (receive favour)[91], (ordered Hónglú (鴻臚) to find a place for him) OR (ordered that a place be found for Hónglú (鴻臚))[92], granting an embroidered gown[93] with a golden girdle[94] and several hundred bolts of coloured silk, then [he] at last[95] returned to his country in the first year of the Kaiyuan reign (ie. 713-714).[96]
其子盛邏皮立，朝廷授特進、臺登郡王，知沙壺州刺史。 His son Shèng​luó​pí​lì​ (盛邏皮立) particularly excelled[97] at his studies,[98] supporting the local ruler in his record-keeping,[99] and associating with[100] the provincial governor of the Shā​hú​ Region (沙壺州).[101]
長男閣羅鳳授特進兼楊瓜州刺史，次男成節度蒙舍州刺史，次男崇江東刺史，次男成進雙祝州刺史。 The eldest son Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) became governor of both Yángzhōu​​ (楊州; lit. 'River-plain of Poplars'[102]) and Guā​zhōu​ (瓜州; lit. 'River-plain of Gourds'[103]),[104], then commander[105] of Méngshè Region (蒙舍州; lit. 'Residence of the Meng (Family or clan)'[106][107]), governor of Chóng​jiāng​dōng​ (崇江東; lit. 'Sublime [Lands] East of the River'[108]), and governor of Shuāng​zhù​ Region (雙祝州; lit. 'Double-wishes River-plain'[109]).
初，炎閣未有子(案：《唐書》炎閣為邏盛炎長子，盛邏皮之兄)，養閣羅鳳為子，閣羅鳳復歸蒙咩，故名承炎閣，後亦不改。 Initially, Yán​gé​ (炎閣) had no children,[110] (Previous transliterator's note: The History of the Later Tang Dynasty states "Yán​gé brought up a son for Luóshèngyán, the older brother of Shèng​luó​pí​.") and brought up Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) as his own son. Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) returned to Méng​miē​ (蒙咩[111][112]) and though formerly known as Chéng​yán​gé​ (承炎閣), did not use the name thereafter.
天寶四載，閣羅鳳長男鳳伽異入朝宿衛，授鴻臚少卿。 The four heavenly treasures — the oldest son of Géluófèng (閣羅鳳), Fèng​jiā​yì​ (鳳伽異), entered the court to protect the kingdom and instructed the young official[113] Hónglú (鴻臚).
七載，蒙歸義卒(案：《唐書》蒙歸義即皮羅閣，乃唐所賜名也)。 The seventh item of record,[114] Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) died. (Previous transliterator's note: The History of the Later Tang Dynasty states that Méngguīyì (蒙歸義) assumed (the title of) Píluógé (皮邏閣), thence receiving recognition from the Tang court.)
閣羅鳳立，朝廷冊襲雲南王。 Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) thus immediately inherited the position of ruler of Yunnan.
矣伽異大卿兼楊瓜州刺史。 Fèng​jiā​yì​ (鳳伽異) was the leading official of the Yángzhōu​​ (楊州) and Guā​zhōu​ (瓜州) regions.
閣羅鳳攻石橋城，擒施谷皮，討越析，梟於贈，西開尋傳，南通驃國。 Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) attacked Shíqiáochéng (石橋城[115]), capturing Shī​gǔ​pí​ (施谷皮; a person) to suppress the Yue tribes[116] — he was bestowed a posthumous honorific Xiāowū (枭於; lit. 'Oh! Valiant.' or 'Owl Oh') — and thus the westward way was opened.
及張乾拖陷姚州，鮮於仲通戰江口，遂與中原隔絕。 Then Zhāng​qián (張乾) became stuck at Yáozhōu​ (姚州[117]), with few troops able to fight to clear the central river mouth,[118] and became isolated from the central plains.[119]
閣羅鳳嘗謂後嗣悅歸皇化，俱指大和城碑，及表疏舊本，呈示漢使，足以雪吾前過也。 Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) had already designated an heir Yuè​guī​huáng​huà​ (悅歸皇),[120] as per the stele recorded in Han Chinese characters[121] at Dà​hé​chéng​ (大和城[122]) he was a distant relative by an ancient marriage[123]. This was to clarify his past and future.[124]
鳳伽異先死。 Fèng​jiā​yì​ (鳳伽異) passed away first.
大歷四年，閣羅鳳卒。 In the fourth year of the Dà​lì​ (大历) reign (ie. 769-770[125]), Géluófèng (閣羅鳳) died.
伽異長男異牟尋繼立，生尋夢湊，一名閤勸。 The oldest son of Fèng​jiā​yì​ (鳳伽異[126]), Yì​móu​xún (異牟尋) succeeded immediately, having been ambitious since birth.[127]
異牟尋每嘆地卑夷雜，禮儀不通，隔越中華，杜絕聲教，遂獻書檄，寄西川節度使韋臯。 Yì​móu​xún (異牟尋) — through cultural differences — drew a wedge between all of the various lesser barbarian tribes of the admirable lands and China. He put an end to spoken orders and thereafter commanded by written orders, sending them also to Wéi​gāo​ (韋臯), the [Chinese] commander of the Xichuan [Military] Commandery (西川節度使) [based in Sichuan].
韋臯答牟尋書，申以朝廷之命。 Wéi​gāo​ (韋臯) replied to Yì​móu​xún (異牟尋)'s dispatches, explaining in turn the [Chinese] imperial orders.
牟尋不謀於下，陰決大計。 Yì​móu​xún (異牟尋) did not seek to abdicate,[128] but secretly made great plans.[129]
遂三路發使，冀有一達。 After sending three messengers by road, he awaited replies.
一使出安南，一使出西川，一使出黔中(案：此五字原本脫，據《唐書》補入)。 One messenger was sent to Ān​nán​ (安南; also often 'Annam'), one to Xīchuān​ (西川; ie. Sichuan basin area), and one to Qián​zhōng​ (黔中; ie. the Guizhou region). (Previous transliterator's note: These last five characters — ie. 一使出黔中 or "... and one to Qián​zhōng (Guizhou)" — were missing in the original text, but were added in the History of the Later Tang Dynasty version.)
貞元十年，三使悉至闕下，朝廷納其誠款，許其歸化。 In the 10th year of the Zhēnyuán Reign[130] (貞元) (ie. 795—796), all three envoys arrived and were accepted by the court.
節度恭承詔旨，專遣西川判官(案：《唐書》作「巡官」)崔佐時親信數人，越雲南，與牟尋盟於玷蒼山下。 The [Chinese] military region(s) (reported this and?)[131] received an imperial edict — the Magistrate of the Xichuan Military Region (Previous transliterator's note: The History of the Later Tang Dynasty has 巡官 ("Head of [Military] Patrols") written in place of 判官 ("Magistrate").) Cuī​zuǒ​shí​ (崔佐時) was dispatched with a few trusted aides to enter Yún​nán​ (云南), meet with Yì​móu​xún (異牟尋) and form an allegiance at Diàncāng​shān (玷苍山[132]).
誓文四本，內一本進獻，一本異牟尋置於玷蒼山下神祠石函內，一本納於祖父等廟，一本置府庫中，以示子孫，不令背逆，不令侵掠。 Four copies were made of the oaths — one was provided to Cuī​zuǒ​shí​ (崔佐時)'s superiors, one was placed by Yì​móu​xún (異牟尋) in a stone case inside a shrine beneath Diàncāng​shān (玷苍山), one was placed at a shrine at his paternal grandfather's grave, and one was placed in the government treasury, such that the oaths should not be violated in posterity, and no invasions should occur.

Part Nine: The Recorded Oath (誓文)

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Chapter 3: The Six Kingdoms (六诏; liù zhào) — Part Nine: The Recorded Oath (誓文)
Original Translation
臣鹹通四年正月，奉本使尚書蔡襲意旨，令書吏寫蠻王異牟尋《誓文》數本，並書牒系於車弩上，飛入賊營。 In the first month of the first lunar year of the Xiántōng (鹹通) Reign[133] (ie. early in 860), the high official Càixí​ (蔡襲) received an imperial edict​. Correspondingly, he ordered a government scribe to write down The Recorded Oath (誓文) of the barbarian king Yì​móu​xún​ (異牟尋) in multiple books, and fire them in to the enemy's military camp using a large vehicular-mounted crossbow or ballista.[134]
臣切覽牟尋《誓文》，立盟極切。 In service to the Emperor, Càixí​ (蔡襲) did not so much as read The Recorded Oath (誓文), but immediately sought to renew the[135] allegiance.
今南蠻子孫違負前誓，伏料天道必誅，容臣親於江源訪覓其《誓文》，續俟寫錄真本進上(案：異牟尋《誓文》今附卷末，而此雲待訪覓續寫者，蓋其初作此篇時尚未得《誓文》，故所言如此。其後訪覓附入，而此本未及刊削，遂前後互異其說耳)。 The present offspring of the southern barbarians had violated the terms of the oath, and lay low in fear of punishment. 容臣親於江源訪覓其 The Recorded Oath (誓文), 續俟寫錄真本進上. (Previous transliterator's note: Yì​móu​xún​ (異牟尋)'s The Recorded Oath (誓文) ...)

References and notes

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  1. ↑ A grammatical adaptation to semantically conjoin the subsequent sentence, based upon the closing 之後. In fact the transliterator's own introduced sentence punctuation structure is confusing here... the closing full stop should probably be a comma, and the second comma here should probably be a full stop.
  2. ↑ 蓋 is interpreted here in its meaning to conceal.
  3. ↑ 巖 — could alternatively be fairly liberally be interpreted as grottoes or caves though this would be a rare reading and finds no support in the text.
  4. ↑ I cannot find evidence of any previous identification of this place. When I read this I had a suspicion, purely from the relative geography and topography, that this could refer to the precipice-laden area around modern Dàjù (大具) at the north-eastern end of Tiger Leaping Gorge (虎跳峡), though this was by no means a positive identification and could potentially refer to a large number of relatively disconnected (ie. suitable for use as a hideout) locations in the region with an exposed cliff face. As a confident interpretation of the text emerges this relatively random guess may be possible to revise, and indeed already looks highly unlikely. (A 1937 image of topography near Daju can be found over here.)
  5. ↑ From external reference sources, for example this 2012 content from Baidu Baike.
  6. ↑ A site settled very, very early on in Yunnanese history according to recent archaeological digs which associate its scale and intensity of settled agriculture and permanent, stilt-housed abodes as unparalleled within the period. It was important geographically as the first fertile valley reached when climbing south out of the first bend in the Yangtse, a natural trading route between northerly locales en-route to Tibet and lands to the south, that is all the more important owing to the famously sheer 'Tiger Leaping Gorge' that occurs immediately thereafter when following the river eastward.
  7. ↑ A grammatical adaptation to semantically conjoin the previous sentence, based upon the closing 之後.
  8. ↑ Suggesting that the Shíbàng may have been a matrilineal or matriarchal society, as per some others recorded in the area.
  9. ↑ Some dictionaries do not have an entry for the character 邆. Those that do attribute this pronunciation to the 1666 Zìhuì Bu (字彙補; lit. 'Supplement to The Lexicon') by Qing Dynasty scholar Wu Renchen (吳任臣; ~1628–~1689) which was a supplement published to amend the 1615 Zìhuì (字彙; lit. 'The Lexicon'), a famous Ming Dynasty dictionary.
  10. ↑ 招誘
  11. ↑ My translation for 上浪 — admittedly a little liberal but apparently the intended meaning given the context.
  12. ↑ The 千 or 1000 in the text is very likely not a literal thousand, but perhaps rather suggesting a quantity in the multiple hundreds of families that has been rounded for effect.
  13. ↑ 猜
  14. ↑ Liberal interpretation of 謀.
  15. ↑ This part murky due to lack of clarity around the grammatical structure. It may need to be revised as the translation proceeds.
  16. ↑ Moving north from Jianchuan one hits the Yangtse valley, and the only river-plains of any size are: ① The Yangtse itself, moving north-north-west from the first bend in the river (where one descends from Jianchuan on an ancient road, and which would have been a similarly ancient trade corridor); ② The 'Little Zhongdian' river valley (小中甸); ③ The 'Lashi Lake' valley immediately west of Lijiang; and ④ The Lijiang plain itself, incorporating its adjoining plains to the north and south. According to this Baidu Baike entry, Shenchuan has been identified by scholars as option one — the upper Yangtse valley itself — and in context, we can safely further limit that identification to areas upstream from Tiger Leaping Gorge (虎跳峡).
  17. ↑ One could assume that these two towns were likely to have been those along the more eastern portion of the river valley, ie. closer to Tiger Leaping Gorge (虎跳峡). This is because, given the topography, the local commander would have probably wanted to keep his 'back to the [porous, safe] wall' (ie. high mountains between the Yangtse and Mekong valleys) which also represented more complex and mysterious topography to invaders with probably superior numbers and weaponry from the larger plateaux to the south-east. Only a single such plateau exists to the north, that of Zhongdian (Shangri-La), and the primary access route to Zhongdian was probably the same as the modern National Highway 214 (214国道) route along Yangjiahe River (杨家河) — ie. the same, most easterly portion. Thus, probably fully aware that any turmoil from larger neighbours to the north or south was likely to strike in that area of his domain, the commander ceded that portion peacefully in order to avoid immediate problems.
  18. ↑ According to prior identification recorded in external sources.
  19. ↑ Based upon a corrected reading of 輔 as 從 as per the transliterator's note, and the interpretation of this as meaning 'coming or originating from'.
  20. ↑ 首卒 (shǒuzú) — questionable but semi-confident reading.
  21. ↑ From 白 meaning white, raw, blank and by extension uncivilized/unsinified.
  22. ↑ Referring to the Emperor Tang De Zong (唐德宗) reign of 21 years.
  23. ↑ 巡
  24. ↑ 邊至...
  25. ↑ According to Chinese Wikipedia, this is reportedly the area east of modern Xiaguan about modern 姚安县.
  26. ↑ A little vague on the end part here, but should be ballpark correct and not completely misleading.
  27. ↑ 遂
  28. ↑ 諸
  29. ↑ 部落
  30. ↑ 移
  31. ↑ 疑此
  32. ↑ Presumably, based upon the context of the previous phrase, this is the subject of the discussion as it is the most significant river in that direction and would also have been the geographically-determined 'beeline' (or most direct) route to the upper Yangtse or Jinshajiang (and onward).
  33. ↑ 邑 — strange way to introduce a place, but judged more likely than a four-character place name with this as the first character.
  34. ↑ Based upon the archaic semantic documented over here.
  35. ↑ A very rough approximation based upon the average of 2 li per modern km.
  36. ↑ Not cliffs! To be surrounded by stone shores, one would have to be on an island. Thus, the description is probably figurative rather than explicit. For instance, on a river bend one could be said to be 'surrounded' though perhaps only by 180-270 degrees of true direction. However, one could also be more liberally positioned on any convex piece of land adjoining a river. Finally, rather than a severe river bend the phrase may describe the confluence of two rivers. In any event, the opening of the phrase suggests an identification at the bottom of the northern (ie. Sichuan) side of the river, though perhaps does not exclude an identification on the southern side. A search online revealed a Chinese language blog that asserted "some [ie. no quotation or citation] evidence" suggests the place was in fact the confluence of the Yalong and Jinsha (ie. Upper Yangtse) rivers, now located slightly to the east of Panzhihua, a modern industrial-era city.
  37. ↑ Almost certainly a direct transliteration of a local language to ancient Chinese, particularly as the leading character seems essentially meaningless in such a context.
  38. ↑ This could possibly be, but is not likely to be, another transliteration — for example from a different local language to the other/former name (Yuzeng).
  39. ↑ This identification seems to work with the assumed location of Shuāngshè (雙舍) at the confluence of the Yalong and Jinsha (Upper Yangtse) rivers, and places the tribe around modern Huāngtián (荒田) — behind the shoreline currently usurped by the modern Hónggédàdào (红格大道).
  40. ↑ Referring, if the previous identifications are correct, to the upper Yangtse (now known as the Jinshajiang) downstream of its confluence with the Yalong River.
  41. ↑ 詔主 — Literally 'head of the kingdom'.
  42. ↑ 邆賧居 taken to mean 'the capital of Tengdan'; 邆 being one of the rare characters with absolutely no established meaning; and the combination 邆賧 being a place name with a possible/probable transliteration from a non-Chinese language.
  43. ↑ My translation attempting readability — frankly in my opinion the grammar here could suggest either 'in order to take everything [and everyone] within his kingdom' or 'in order to combined all the kingdoms' or 'in order to absorb it in to his kingdom'. The latter seems more appropriate.
  44. ↑ A near certain transliteration.
  45. ↑ 立 — liberal reading.
  46. ↑ Another transliteration.
  47. ↑ Note that this is the first time the term Province (州) has been used to describe the Kingdom (诏) of Langqiong (浪穹).
  48. ↑ 戰敗
  49. ↑ Actually 'striking' or 'blow' could also be used, but is less poetic.
  50. ↑ In fact wave is not certain here, but its reading is more poetic, and appears appropriate.
  51. ↑ Referring to the reign of Emperor Tang De Zong (唐德宗), which lasted from 785—805.
  52. ↑ 伏辜 — a 'guestimate' translation which may need to change based on subsequent context.
  53. ↑ Here we have another example of a kingdom (诏) later being referred to as a province (州).
  54. ↑ It should be possible to track down potential locations for the stream, if not determine previous identifications of this tribe through online searches.
  55. ↑ The characters in question have a plethora of alternate readings however this seems to be the most probable in context. Alternatives include "divided their forces to occupy" and "finally divided [in military formation] to seize Dali [as a whole unit]".
  56. ↑ 歸
  57. ↑ 義之甥
  58. ↑ 弱 — alternatively 'young', potentially.
  59. ↑ 無謀 — a more specific translation does not seem possible or honest in context.
  60. ↑ The text states 歸義 only but the reference is clear in context, so we here reprint the full name.
  61. ↑ Probably referring to modern Xiaguan (下关) — check internet sources for a previously established correspondence here (particularly as it's known to be called other dragon-related things!) — or something thereabouts at the southern end of the Erhai (洱海) lake-valley within which the old city of Dali sits to the southwest.
  62. ↑ 率眾
  63. ↑ 拒戰
  64. ↑ No specific literal translation appears possible, and this may have been a transliteration anyway. In the realm of potentiality lie many possible literal translations: shared boundary? common plains? feral community? ... really too varied and obtuse to read much in to.
  65. ↑ Note that the final portion 川 or river-valley is not used at this point in the text, however we reprint the complete name from earlier in the text as the reference is clear and unambiguous.
  66. ↑ Previously, in the text above at the beginning of this chapter, Shíhé (石和) was not referred to as a city. Here, it is. Therefore, this reference increases our perception of its size.
  67. ↑ Only 望欠 is written in the text, but the reference is clear.
  68. ↑ Unidentified.
  69. ↑ Unsure on the location here, but it would presumably refer to a river emptying in to either a lake (probably Erhai (洱海) inside the Dali (大理) lake-valley) or another river or gorge.
  70. ↑ Presumably some portion between modern Dali and Baoshan cities.
  71. ↑ 計無所出
  72. ↑ 有女名遺南
  73. ↑ 遣使求致
  74. ↑ 許之
  75. ↑ Presumably some portion between modern Dali and Baoshan cities.
  76. ↑ Presumably lying west of the Mekong, en-route to or equating to, but not beyond Baoshan.
  77. ↑ Confusingly enough!
  78. ↑ Quite literally at this point, since after the treaty signed between China and Tibet some two decades earlier (here photographed still standing since 823 outside the Jokhang temple in Lhasa), the Tibetan Empire disintegrated in about 840 and had entered the so-called Era of Fragmentation, ceasing to be a coherent political and military force. It is potentially of note that our author does not elaborate on this fact, since he was supposed to have spent time in Chengdu as an official.
  79. ↑ Literally the source says "and had tens of thousands of [soldiers/citizens]", however the number is not accurate and the reference unclear, so I have chosen to translate the general meaning to stay closer to my comprehension of the source text.
  80. ↑ No truly literal meaning, but arguably 'north of a river or watered-place known as 瀘' in spirit.
  81. ↑ A bit vague — could be improved.
  82. ↑ Note for later investigation and probable dismissal: this sounds a lot like modern Mangshi in Dehong Prefecture, down the Burma Road from Baoshan en-route to Ruili.
  83. ↑ ...之源
  84. ↑ Should identify this place.
  85. ↑ Purple represented imperial authority.
  86. ↑ Locate.
  87. ↑ Here the character 漢 (han) is apparently used to denote Chineseness. This is interesting given the context, possibly emphasizing learnedness with regard to Chinese language and custom versus barbarian ways.
  88. ↑ Earthen burials could be argued to be one of the defining characteristics of Chinese civilization. Not all of the non-Chinese peoples of the region under discussion necessarily buried their dead, though some did bury their nobility, for example the pre-Chinese Shu Kingdom of Sichuan. As an aside, an excellent overview of Chinese (not minority) tombs throughout the ages may be obtained at the Luoyang Ancient Tombs Museum (洛阳古墓博物馆) in Henan Province. There were certainly Tibetans practicing non-burial traditions nearby, and some cliff burials (coffin stuck in to a high cliff) in the region.
  89. ↑ 吾且有子承繼，身到漢地，死無憾矣 — notable as a cultural trait of the Chinese, and more specifically Confucianism, professing an attitude that survives even today in mainland China.
  90. ↑ Dubious.
  91. ↑ Dubious.
  92. ↑ Again dubious.
  93. ↑ 錦袍 — an important status symbol of officialdom.
  94. ↑ 金帶 — literally golden but this could mean anything from yellow to shiny or lustrous.
  95. ↑ 卒
  96. ↑ The reign of Tang Xuanzong (唐玄宗) (713-741).
  97. ↑ 特進
  98. ↑ 朝廷授 — Literally the instruction of the dynasty or aristocratic house. There is possibly some suggestion of a courtly education here, ie. referring to classical Chinese or literary achievements in Chinese characters and study of the classics, as distinct from other forms of pedagogy — however, it is perhaps too vague and distant in the mists of time to draw any clear and direct conclusion of such.
  99. ↑ Not certain here. This phrase is based upon an interpretation of tái​ (臺) as support, dēng​ (登) as publish or record, jùn​wàng​ (郡王) as the local regional ruler.
  100. ↑ Chosen as a suitably vague translation for zhī​ (知) in a possibly questionable sense 'to know someone'.
  101. ↑ This entire section has an alternate interpretation I have yet to work through, which appeared based upon the repetition in structure with the subsequent paragraph. Essentially it suggests that Shengluopili received the local position of ruler via familial inheritance.
  102. ↑ Should attempt to identify.
  103. ↑ Should attempt to identify.
  104. ↑ My interpretation of 兼楊瓜州 — literally (both) (yang (and))(gua)(zhou).
  105. ↑ 次男成節度 — Probably there is a better translation.
  106. ↑ The theory that Meng is actually a transliteration from Tai has apparently been broken, however the theory that it is a transliteration from some other language in more general terms would seem to hold water. Thus, the name here may either be taken literally in Chinese as 'Residence of the Meng (Family or clan)' or its literal meaning discounted entirely.
  107. ↑ Should attempt to identify.
  108. ↑ Should attempt to identify.
  109. ↑ Should attempt to identify.
  110. ↑ Or possibly, 'had no sons'.
  111. ↑ Certainly a transliterated name.
  112. ↑ Should attempt to identify.
  113. ↑ 少卿
  114. ↑ Really not sure why this anomalous structure has suudenly appeared: translation confidence minimal!
  115. ↑ Should identify this place.
  116. ↑ 討越析 — 討 could also be to 'provoke' or 'invite' (loosely 'befriend'). Yue here apparently must refer to random tribes of the area rather than its more traditional designation of groups to the southeast, between modern Guangdong and Vietnam.
  117. ↑ Should identify this place.
  118. ↑ A rather fast and loose translation of a particularly contorted series of characters, but certainly thereabouts.
  119. ↑ Here probably not referring to the rest of China (via the Sichuan basin) but rather to the central flatlands of Yunnan: the Erhai valley around Dali/Xiaguan, that around Kunming/Kunyang, etc.
  120. ↑ Or perhaps simply Yuè​guī​huáng​ (悅歸皇).
  121. ↑ I have re-ordered the translation. This portion comes from the latter segment — 呈示漢使 — but is placed here for readability in modern English.
  122. ↑ Should identify this place.
  123. ↑ Rationale: Apparently 表 means a distant relationship by females, ie. marriage without dominating through name and Confucian tradition the subsqeuent lineage of the target family. In addition, 舊本 suggests ancient source of the relation.
  124. ↑ Presumably in not only a genealogical sense! This was in fact a political statement, probably designed to ensure the safety and security of the realm, placing him within a pre-existing lineage and stating a clear succession.
  125. ↑ referring to the reign of Emperor Táng​ Dài​zōng (唐代宗) — born Li Yu (李豫) — from 766—779.
  126. ↑ Note that the Fèng (鳳) is not explicitly present here, but implicit — seeming clear enough, we added it in transliteration.
  127. ↑ Seems about the most specific yet fluid translation of the final two phrases possible: 生尋夢湊，一名閤勸.
  128. ↑ The most logical reading I can make for 不謀於下.
  129. ↑ 陰決大計 — literally (secret) (determine) (big project or plan).
  130. ↑ The third and final reign of Emperor Tang Dé Zōng (德宗), born Lǐ Kuò (李适).
  131. ↑ Unwritten but assumed.
  132. ↑ The Erhai / Dali region.
  133. ↑ ie. the second and final reign, which spanned from 859—873, of Emperor Tang Yì Zōng (懿宗), born Lǐ Cuǐ (李漼)
  134. ↑ 車弩 — see for example this page at Tsinghua University for an example ancient device, or Wikipedia's page on ancient crossbows in China and Southeast Asia for some background.
  135. ↑ This part is not in the source text, but is clear from the subsequent paragraph so is added for readability.
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