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Infrastructure Past, Present, and Future Casebook

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JFK Terminal One

Introduction

This casebook is a case study on The New Terminal One at JFK International Airport developed by Matthew Bond, Aaron Taylor, and Honestie Kern as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490/CEIE 499 Fall 2024 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering, and Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

New Terminal One Logo

Summary

JFK Logo

John F. Kennedy International Airport's New Terminal One is part of a 19.5-billion-dollar redevelopment and renovation project of the JFK International Airport through a public-private partnership focused on revitalizing and enlarging JFK Airport's capacity to accommodate 21st-century aircraft and increased travel demand. John F Kennedy International Airport (JFK) is located in New York City, New York within the Queens borough (Lat/Long: N 40.6399281, W 73.7787922). The financers in partnership with the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey comprised of Ferrovial, JLC infrastructure, Ullico, and the Carlyle Group are overseeing the development of the complex which will consist of around 2.5 to 3 million square feet of space which will replace the existing terminals 1 and 2 as well as the previously demolished in 2013 terminal 3. The New Terminal One will have 23 gates all of which will be international serving approximately 30 to 40 airline partners of the JFK airport. The terminal will feature art from local New York City artists with an emphasis on integrating local culture into the feel of the airport.

Timeline

1948 - JFK International Airport opens as “New York International Airport”

1963 - JFK International Airport is given the official name “JFK International Airport”

1998 - Terminal 1 opens serving 11 gates

October 2018- Former New York Governor Andrew Cuomo announces the plans improve passenger services at the JFK Airport.

July 2019 - The port authority of New York and New Jersey formally approves the project plans for the new JFK Terminal One

September 8, 2022 - Construction begins on new JFK Terminal One.

September 8, 2022 - Dr. Gerrard Bushell assumes role of CEO over the New JFK Terminal One

April 1, 2024 - Jennifer Aument assumes the role of CEO of the New JFK Terminal One

July 2024- 2.5 billion in green bonds were issued to the project

June 2026 - First 14 gates of the New Terminal One are set to open

2030 - The New JFK Terminal One is set to be fully opened

Actors

Gina Bigler, P.E. - Head of Construction for JFK Terminal One under the Port Authority

Jennifer Aument - As of April 1, 2024  CEO of New Terminal One

The Carlyle Group -  a global investment firm that is focused on a range of investments including infrastructure financially sponsoring the New JFK terminal one project

Ullico - an insurance company based in the United States focused on providing insurance to union families financially sponsoring the New JFK terminal one project

JLC Infrastructure - An asset management firm financially sponsoring the New JFK terminal one project

Port Authority of New York and New Jersey - A governmental body with the authority over the JFK airport and surrounding New York city transportation.

AECOM Tishman - The Construction Manager (CM) that will be constructing New Terminal One

Gensler - The leading global design and architecture firm for JFK Terminal One

Funding and Financing

The construction of the New JFK International Airport is being done through a public-private partnership or P3 project with its private sponsors (Ferrovial, Ullico, JLC, and the Caryle Group) in conjunction with the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey. Ferrovial is a Spain-based company focused on the investment and management for the new JFK terminal one project additionally according to the JFK terminal one CEO Jennifer Aument some of their investment will be going towards the pensions of the labor unions involved in the project. JLC is an asset management firm and according to Jennifer Aument they are “Experts on deploying minority capital.” Ullico is a insurance company based in the United States that focuses on providing insurance to union families. The Carlyle Group is a global investment firm that is focused on a range of investments including infrastructure.

The Design build was originally financed through equity and debt of around 8.4 billion dollars. In July 2024 2.5 billion in green bonds were issued to the project which makes this project the recipient of the single largest bond issuance in the aviation industry. These bonds were funded by the series 2024 bonds and the New York Transit Development cooperation acted as the conduit of these bonds.

Map of Location

Past Aerial Image of JFK International (2018)

Present FAA JFK Airport Map (2024)

Future JFK Terminal One (2026-2030)

Institutional Arrangements

In 2019, JFK was the sixth busiest airport in the United States and the twentieth busiest in the world.  JFK Terminal One is going to be operating one of four terminal complexes when it opens in 2026.  In 2019, the existing Terminal One served 13% of the entire airport’s passenger traffic.  The prediction is to have an annual growth rate of 3.3% annually with tourism alone increasing the growth.  In 2022, for the Regional Growth Rate, there were 60 million enplanements which is -8% as initial predictions prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. This figure has been increasingly recovering.  The International Growth Rate had 17 million enplanements in 2022, at a rate of -23% attributed to the pandemic recovery.  These figures are forecasted to only rise further and recover to a rate of 96% of the pre-pandemic rates by 2025.  The future of Terminal One will increase capacity with 14 wide body gates and 5 live hardstands by 2028.  The wide body gates are going to help with providing the airlines with peak-time flexibility.  This is especially important for international flights.  The live hardstands are going to assist with providing a space for the airplanes to park while in between flights.  JFK Airport is expecting to service 100 million passengers by 2050.  Terminal One will be installing biometric infrastructure to make boarding and deplaning a faster and smoother transition for passengers.  A part of the $19 billion dollar investment will include 150% larger concessions that will provide duty free goods unlike any other United States International terminal. The New Terminal One will be a test case for privately operated terminals across the United States.  As of recent years, there has been a large push overturning the control of airports over to Port Authorities. JFK is still operated by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey.

Infrastructure Improvements

To handle the increased traffic of the New Terminal One, additional improvements are also being made to the existing infrastructure of JFK and its surrounding areas as part of the project. The JFK AirTrain, already accountable for 27,000 trips daily as of 2024, is expected to see an increase in capacity and frequency. The elevated rail system connects the terminals of the airport and the airport to surrounding neighborhoods and the MTA system. Within the airport, the current tangled mess of roads and parking lots are expected to see a complete overhaul. The roads will be reworked into a streamlined system of ring roads, with a north loop and a south loop. The parking lots, currently dotted around where space is available between the current roads, will be relocated to fit centrally within the rings. Outside of the airport, additional lanes in both directions are being added to the Van Wyck Expressway, connecting the airport to the neighborhoods to its north.

Narrative of the Case

A common theme found throughout the various press releases and media spots on the development of the new terminal is the perception that JFK is one of, if not the most crucial gateway into the United States. New York City is a city well known for its reputation as one of the first places visitors to the United States experience, with Ellis Island being one of the nation’s most prolific immigration stations. Even after the shuttering of the immigration station at Ellis Island, the city has remained one of the most common points of entry for immigrants arriving from overseas (excluding land crossings). JFK airport has effectively supplanted Ellis Island as the most popular point of entry for international travelers into the United States. In 2023, JFK was the busiest airport in the United States by international traffic, topping the Department of Transportation’s “Passenger Gateways to the World” list, with almost 10 million more international arrivals than LAX, the second airport on the list.

The perception of New York City, and by extension JFK, as a welcoming face representing New York City and the greater United States is evident in the words of governors, congresspeople, state legislators, and industry leaders. Both governors Cuomo and Hochul have referred to JFK as a “global gateway.” This sentiment is further reinforced by the fact that the terminal will be dedicated entirely to international carriers, particularly Air France, Etihad, KLM, Korean Air, LOT Polish Airlines, EVA Airways, and Air Serbia.

Policy and Policy Issues

Public-Private Partnership

Central to the New Terminal One project (and the other improvement projects being made around JFK) is the public-private partnership arrangement between PANYNJ and the private contractors working on the project. Through the use of the public-private partnership arrangement, the upfront costs of the project are shouldered by the private sector, saving the Government of New York billions of dollars in taxpayer money. As the lessor of the new facilities, the PANYNJ will retain the rights to collecting rent and revenue sharing once the new facilities are operational. Once the first phase (the first 14 gates) come online, operational costs are expected to increase considerably. This is offset however by the rent the PANYNJ will be collecting from terminal tenants as well as revenue sharing from the ~400 million in revenues projected in 2026.

While the savings to the taxpayer are considerable, public-private partnerships can raise accountability and transparency questions, as the primary actors during the planning and construction phases are in the private sector.

Equity

The New Terminal one will be constructed through the use of union labor, with a commitment to local participation and workforce inclusion. The project aims to provide opportunities for local businesses, including minority- and women-owned business enterprises and service-disabled veteran-owned businesses according to the CEO Jennifer Aument. Over 10,000 local jobs have been created through the construction of this project. The 2024 issuance bond to the project designated 40% of the issuance be allocated to minority and women owned business enterprises. By the Spring of 2024, according to Governor Hochul, that over 2.3 billion dollars had been invested in minority women-owned business enterprises over the course of the terminal project, a record setting amount.

Energy and Sustainability

Airports like JFK have faced challenges with energy demand, outages at terminals, and the consistency of power.  JFK Terminal One partnered with AlphaStruxure to assist in development of a solar project that will include 13,000 solar panels making it the largest solar array in New York City. This is a major policy development as it will be the largest in New York City and the largest at any airport terminal in the United States. This energy policy implementation will distribute energy from the solar panels, fuel cells, and a battery energy storage system to power the terminals everyday operations. The terminal will have an integrated microgrid so that it will be operational in potential adverse circumstances all provided primarily through green forms of energy. The initiative is the airport's contribution towards the future and renewable energy.

Facilities Management

Janitorial, landscaping maintenance, pest control, and waste management services are currently being sought out to partner for facilities management.  The Request for Proposal was announced in September 2024.  There is a strong encouragement to partner with a firm that is diversified such as a minority or woman owned business.  The RFP is due in late December 2024.

Contracts

To date the airlines that are expecting to be operated out of the New Terminal One include: Air France, KLM, Etihad Airways, LOT Polish Airlines, Korean Air, EVA Airways, Air Serbia, SAS, and Air China. All of these have initiated contracts with expected usage to come in 2026.  The New Terminal One is expecting to see additional airlines contract to be able to utilize the new terminal.  The airlines are a single factor of the operators. There will be a vast majority of corporations that will engage in the 300,000 square feet for the dining, retail, lounges, and recreational areas. These corporations will be quick to be included in taking advantage of the newest and largest terminal to enhance their businesses as well.

Takeaways

The JFK New Terminal One will serve as a major international gateway to New York City and through its completion will have created over 10,000 jobs. Large efforts have been made towards sustainability with a large emphasis on green energy for its future functionality. With its bond issuance mandating at least 40% of contracts include minority and women-owned businesses this project was done with a strong attempt to distribute sub-contracts equitably.

Discussion Questions

How might the New JFK terminal one affect the traffic and accessibility of New York's transportation infrastructure?

What might be the implications for local neighborhoods and if it has a negative impact is that justified by the progress this project brings?

What are the benefits/downsides of Public-Private partnerships? Are they beneficial to the taxpayer and save money or are private industries getting involved where only the government should be or visa versa?

Are the 9.5 billion dollars spent on the JFK Terminal One going to pay off economically or is the cost too excessive for the benefit?

Considering the recent Covid-19 pandemic, is investing in airport infrastructure a safe bet for the future of travel?

Class readings for discussion Questions

Please read the following in Preparation for Class Discussion.

World Economic Forum - How is Covid 19 Changing airports?

World Economic Forum

State public-private partnership (P3) legislation and P3 project implementation

P3 project implementation

Impact of airport policies on regional development. Evidence from the Colombian case

Impact of Airport policy

Please read Chapter 2 and Chapter 9 of Private Financing of Public Transportation Infrastructure: Utilizing Public-Private Partnerships

Utilizing Public-Private partnerships

South Fork Wind Farm

This page is for a case study on the South Fork Wind Farm by Jose Galeano Amaya, Jad Dannoura, and Nikolas Hawley as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-003 / CEIE 499-005 Spring 2024 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government, and the Volgenau School of Engineering, and Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan L. Gifford.

Summary

A pioneer in offshore wind farm development in the United States is the South Fork Wind Farm. It is located about 35 miles to the east of New York's Montauk Point. Eversource Energy and Ørsted collaborated to provide clean, renewable energy to Long Island. With about 12 turbines, it will produce enough electricity to run about 70,000 households. New York State's efforts to minimize greenhouse gas emissions through renewable energy and a reduced reliance on fossil fuels are further aided by the initiative. The Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM), has approved South Fork, which is also known for emphasizing preservation of the environment, sustainability, and employment creation in the community. Numerous local stakeholders, particularly those involved in environmental protection and the fishing sector, have been consulted and studied in great detail regarding its possible ecological effects.The South Fork Wind Farm now generates approximately 130 megawatts of renewable energy, sufficient to power around 70,000 homes, contributing significantly to New York's clean energy goals.

Timeline of Events

• August 18, 2011: BOEM published a "Call for Information and Nominations for Commercial Leasing for Wind Power on the OCS Offshore Rhode Island and Massachusetts" in the Federal Register so that interest in a project could be measured.
• On July 31, 2013: BOEM auctioned two leases for North Lease Area (Lease OCS-A0486) and the South Lease Area (Lease OCS-A0487), that were won by Deepwater Wind.
• 2017: The Long Island Power Authority (LIPA) Board of Trustees approved the South Fork Wind project, marking the beginning of its development phase.
• June 29, 2018: South Fork Wind, LLC submitted its Construction and Operations Plan (COP) to the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) for review.
• 2019: Deepwater Wind is acquired by Ørsted.
• January 16, 2020: Deepwater Wind submits an application to assign 13,700 acres of OCS-A 0486 to Deepwater Wind South Fork, LLC.
• March 23, 2020: BOEM approved the new assignment of the lease with a new lease number number OCS-A 0517.
• November 24, 2021: The U.S. Department of the Interior’s BOEM issued the Record of Decision (ROD), completing the federal environmental review and granting approval for the project to proceed.
• January 18, 2022: BOEM approved the Construction and Operations Plan for the South Fork Wind Farm and South Fork Export Cable Project, allowing construction to commence.
• February 2022: Onshore construction began, starting with the installation of the underground transmission line that would connect the offshore wind farm to the Long Island electric grid.
• June 2023: The project reached its "steel in the water" milestone with the installation of the first monopile foundation, marking significant progress in offshore construction.
• February 2024: The final turbine was installed, completing the offshore construction phase of the wind farm.
• February 13, 2024:Eversource Energy announces sale of sell their fifty-percent ownership of the South Fork Wind Farms to Global Infrastructure Partners (GIP).
• March 14, 2024: Governor Kathy Hochul, alongside U.S. Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland, announced the completion of the South Fork Wind project. All 12 turbines were constructed and the wind farm began delivering power to Long Island and the Rockaways, marking it as America's first utility-scale offshore wind farm.

List of Actors

Developers & Partners:

Deepwater Wind: A predecessor to Ørsted in the development of the South Fork Wind Farm.

Ørsted: A global leader in renewable energy, Ørsted co-developed the South Fork Wind Farm.

Eversource Energy: A New England-based energy company that partnered with Ørsted in the development of the wind farm.

Global Infrastructure Partners (GIP): An infrastructure investor that purchased the stake that Eversource Energy had in South Fork Wind Farm.

Key individuals:

Governor Kathy Hochul: The Governor of New York, who announced the completion of the South Fork Wind project and emphasized its significance in advancing the state's clean energy goals.

Secretary Deb Haaland - The U.S. Secretary of the Interior, who participated in the announcement of the project's completion, highlighting its role in the nation's renewable energy efforts.

Stakeholders:

Long Island Power Authority (LIPA): The utility company serving Long Island, which approved the project and will distribute the generated electricity to local consumers.

Government agencies:

Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM): A division of the U.S. Department of the Interior responsible for managing offshore energy resources. BOEM approved the Construction and Operations Plan for the South Fork Wind Farm.

United States Department of the Interior: An executive department of the U.S. federal government that is in charge of the nation's natural resources and cultural heritage.

Funding and Financing

The construction of the South Fork Wind Farm project was funded through a private joint venture between Ørsted and Eversource Energy; originally the ownership of the South Fork Wind Farm was divided fifty-fifty between Ørsted and Eversource Energy. On February 13, 2024, Eversource Energy announced the execution of a definitive agreement to sell their fifty-percent ownership of the South Fork Wind Farms to Global Infrastructure Partners (GIP). The South Fork Wind Farm also received a Power Purchase Agreement (PPA) from the Long Island Power Authority, for the original 90 megawatts project, which was later updated to include an additional 40 megawatts.

Institutional Arrangement

The Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act (OCSLA) defines outer continental shelves (OCS) as all submerged lands lying 3 miles offshore and requires the Secretary of the Interior to be responsible for their development. The United States Department of the Interior through its Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) provides development of the OCS through leases that are awarded to renewable energy projects. On August 18, 2011, the BOEM published a "Call for Information and Nominations for Commercial Leasing for Wind Power on the OCS Offshore Rhode Island and Massachusetts" to measure interest in the development of the area and received eight commercial indications of interest; which included Deepwater Wind, the company that would ultimately win the leased area. Deepwater Wind would be bought by Ørsted in 2019 through an agreement with the D.E. Shaw Group for a purchase price of 510 million USD; which provided the offshore wind development project to Ørsted, that project would become the South Fork Wind Farm. On January 18, 2022, the BOEM would approve the construction, and operations plan of South Fork Wind Farm; construction would begin that same month and end in March 2024.

Narrative of the Case

A growing demand for renewable energy production in the United States highlights a shift in the consumption of energy and the future of energy production in America. At the federal level, the U.S. Department of the Interior has joined a government-wide commitment to deploy 30 gigawatts (30000 megawatts) of offshore wind by 2030; which can be aided by the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management. At the state level, New York is hoping to achieve 9,000 megawatts of wind energy by 2035; as a way to transition into a zero-emission electric grid. The South Fork Wind Farm as infrastructure assists the achievement of these goals, as an offshore wind farm that provides 130 megawatts of energy to areas in New York. Its construction as a private joint venture demonstrates the role of corporations in the creation and maintenance of infrastructure in the U.S. The corporations in this case provided their expertise in the creation of the South Fork Wind Farm, Ørsted as a leader in offshore wind power having 30 years of experience, operating and developing projects that account for approximately 2,800 megawatts of offshore wind energy and investing 20 billion USD in offshore projects in America. The change of ownership also demonstrates another feature of corporations working on infrastructure, that actors can sell their stake to other corporations; Eversource Energy selling its stake to GIP.  

Policy Issues

Bureaucratic Process: The process of obtaining the lease to an area and the necessary procedures that are required before the lease is able to be built upon, can impede a project and decrease the efficiency of it. As the timeline shows, the process of obtaining the approval to start construction of a project can take a lot of time.  

Environmental Impact: Building in outer continental shelves can harm the area, which makes the bureaucratic process a necessity to avoid the destruction of habitats in the area. This act of balancing environmental protections and construction of important infrastructure is one that heavily depends on the government.  

Private Corporations: The South Fork Wind Farm demonstrates that private corporations can take all the risk in the construction and maintenance of infrastructure. Yet, this creates a variety of issues such as those of ownership, accountability, and sustainability.  

Takeaways

The amount of bureaucracy that is present in the planning and construction of infrastructure in federal land, demonstrates the importance of the executive branch and demonstrates that a balance is needed between bureaucratic processes and the construction of infrastructure.

Discussion Questions

Does the environmental and economical benefit of the South Fork Wind Farm outweigh the potential ecological impacts and concerns raised by local communities and industries such as commercial fishing?

Is the investment in offshore wind farms, like the South Fork Wind Farm, a better use of funds than investing in other renewable energy sources such as solar or onshore wind?

What can the United States learn from other nations that are familiar with the creation and maintenance of offshore wind farms and can the current bureaucratic process be accelerated?

Additional Readings

Environmental licensing for offshore wind farms: Guidelines and policy implications for new markets

Licensing for offshore wind farms

Levelized Costs of New Generation Resources in the Annual Energy

Costs of new generation resources

United States Environmental Protection Agency South Fork Wind LLC Fact Sheet

EPA Fact Sheet (section 3 and 4)

Hambantota Port, Sri Lanka

Introduction

This casebook is a case study on the Hambantota International Port by Anthony Reyes and Peter DerHagopian as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490/CEIE 499 Fall 2024 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering, and Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka

Summary

Hambantota International Port, also known as Magampura Mahinda Rajapaksa Port, is a deep water port located in Hambantota, Sri Lanka, in the country’s Southern Province along the southern coast of the island. Hambantota is the country’s second largest port, after the Port of Colombo in the capital city. Construction for the port started in 2008, after the newly-elected President Mahinda Rajapaksa revitalized plans for the project by securing a loan of $306.7 million from China’s Export-Import (Exim) Bank and specified the China Harbour Engineering Company as the construction contractor. The first phase, out of three, of construction was finished in 2010, after the end of the Sri Lankan Civil War. Features of the first phase included a bunker terminal with the capacity of 500,000 tonnes of cargo, refueling stations for ships and aircraft, and ship repair/ship building facilities. The second phase of construction began in 2012, after the Sri Lankan Government gained an additional $757 million loan from China’s Exim Bank that allowed China Harbour Engineering Company and China’s Merchants Port to jointly operate the port for 35 years. As of present day, the second phase of construction is still unfinished and in 2016, President Maithripala Sirisena entered an agreement with China to sell 80% of shares, worth $1.12 billion, and a 99-year lease to China to take over ownership of the port to counter Sri Lanka’s $8 billion debt to China. Since this new deal, China’s Merchants Port have secured 15,000 acres of land surrounding the port to construct industrial zones, and the Chinese Navy has been using the port as a naval base for their submarines and to exert control over key maritime trade routes between the Strait of Malacca and the Suez Canal that sit just a few nautical miles from Hambantota.

The construction of the international port in Hambantota, and subsequent Chinese involvement,   have been strife with controversy and reports of corruption. While the feasibility reports from both Canadian engineering firm SNC-Lavalin and Danish consulting firm Ramboll confirmed the economic benefits of the port, Former President Rajapaksa ignored their guidance and attempted to fast track construction without much profit. After its first year of opening, only 34 ships berthed at Hambantota, as opposed to 3,667 at the Port of Colombo. Concerns over Chinese involvement have also arisen out of the construction of this port, with Sri Lankan officials denouncing China’s exorbitant costs and extremely high interest rates. Many call Hambantota International Port a prime example of Chinese “debt-trap diplomacy” and accuse China of extending debt over Sri Lanka to gain political leverage to establish naval bases in the geopolitically strategic region. Additionally, Former President Rajapaksa has been accused of corruption, citing that he used funds for the construction of this project to provide kickbacks for himself and campaign officials.

Map of Location

Actors

1. Sri Lankan Government Actors
   1. Ranil Wickremesinghe - Prime Minister of Sri Lanka from 1993-1994, 2001-2004, 2015-2018, 2018-2019 and in 2022. President of Sri Lanka from 2022-2024.
   2. Mahinda Rajapaksa - President of Sri Lanka from 2005-2015. Prime Minister of Sri Lanka from 2004-2005, 2018 and 2019-2022. Minister of Finance from 2005-2015 and 2019-2021. President Rajapaksa is also from Hambantota.
   3. Gotabaya Rajapaksa - President of Sri Lanka from 2019-2022, and also Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s brother.
   4. Maithripala Sirisena - President of Sri Lanka from 2015-2019.
      1. Ravi Karunanayake - Minister of Finance from 2015-2017.
   5. Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) - State-owned operator of major commercial ports in Sri Lanka.
2. Chinese Actors
   1. China Merchants Group - State-owned enterprise that operates under the Chinese Ministry of Transport. Currently has 85% stake in the Port and has invested $1.12 billion into the port.
      1. China Merchants Port Holdings Company Limited (CMPHCL) - Subsidiary of China Merchants Group that oversees port operations, general and bulk cargo transportation, container and shipping business, air cargo, and logistics park operations.
      2. Colombo International Container Terminal Limited - Joint venture company between CMPHCL and SLPA that handles cargo in Sri Lanka’s capital city, Colombo.
      3. Hambantota International Port Group - Joint venture company between CMPHCL and SLPA that oversees operations of the port.
   2. China National Petroleum Corporation - State-owned oil and gas corporation that was one of the first contractors of the port, overseeing refueling facilities and oil tank projects.
      1. Huanqiu Contracting and Engineering Corporation - Subsidiary of the China National Petroleum Corporation that handles the construction of oil refineries and oil tanks.
   3. China Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Sinopec) - State-owned and world’s largest oil refining company that operates the port’s bunkering facilities. Recently constructed an oil-refinery at the port.
   4. Export-Import (Exim) Bank of China - Policy bank of China under the State Council that was the main financier of the port project.
      1. Li Ruogu - President of the Exim Bank from 2005-2015.
      2. China Development Bank - Subsidiary of the Exim Bank that raises funds for infrastructure projects.
   5. China Communications Construction Company (CCCC) - State-owned engineering and construction company that designs, constructs and operates infrastructure assets such as highways, bridges, tunnels, railways, airports and ports.
      1. China Harbour Engineering Company - Subsidiary of CCCC that is the main contractor for construction of the port.
   6. People’s Liberation Army Navy - The Navy of the People’s Republic of China that has been using Hambantota Port to dock their military vessels and submarines.
3. Additional Actors:
   1. Shivshanker Menon - Foreign Secretary of India from 2006-2009. Notably rejected Sri Lanka’s request to finance Hambantota Port.
   2. AtkinsRéalis Group Inc. (SNC-Lavalin) - Canadian engineering consulting firm that was the original contractor for construction of the Hambantota Port and first company to conduct a feasibility report on the prospects of building the port.
   3. Rambøll Group (Ramboll) - Danish engineering consulting firm that was hired by Former President Rajapaksa to conduct a second feasibility report on the prospects of building Hambantota International Port.

Timeline

1. December 5th, 2001 - Parliamentary elections are held in Sri Lanka. Ranil Wickremesinghe is elected Prime Minister and he and the United National Front pledge to build another seaport to ease traffic on the Port of Colombo.
2. June 2002 - The Sri Lankan Government invited both the Canadian International Development Agency and the Port Autonome of Marseille to conduct feasibility reports on constructing a new port. SNC-Lavalin of Canada submits a feasibility report, but both France and Canada ultimately decide to not follow through with any investment due to the tense political climate of Sri Lanka.
3. 2005 - Newly-elected President Mahinda Rajapaksa hires Danish consulting firm Ramboll to conduct an additional feasibility report for building a port in Hambantota, the president’s hometown. From this, the project is broken down into three phases. After both India and the United States rejected Sri Lanka’s requests for financing, China was approached and accepted the offer. Huanqiu Contracting & Engineering became the first construction contractor after a deal was signed between the two parties.
4. July 2006 - Sri Lankan officials meet with Li Ruogu at the Exim Bank where Chinese officials encourage the usage of concessional loans to finance the project.
5. February 2007 - President Rajapaksa visits China to finalize loan deals for the port. Exim Bank agrees to fund 85% of the project, or $307 million with SLPA covering the other 15%, or $53 million.
6. January 2008 - Sri Lanka hires China Harbour Engineering Company to construct the first phase of the port, and construction begins.
7. November 18th, 2010 - After rushed construction, the first phase is completed and the port is limitedly opened on the President’s Birthday.
8. November 2011 - Sri Lanka pays China $40 million to blast a boulder blocking the usage of the port a year after opening.
9. September 17th, 2012 - Exim Bank loans Sri Lanka an additional $809.35 million for construction of the second phase. The new loan agreement also allows China Harbour Engineering and China Merchants Group to jointly operate the terminal and take 65% stake for 35 years and the first loan receives a 6.3% interest rate.
10. 2014 - Hambantota Port was struggling financially and could not attract businesses to dock there. China began demanding loan repayment for construction of the port, which Sri Lanka could not pay due to the lack of profit.
11. November 2014 - Chinese military submarines begin docking at the port.
12. January 8th 2015 - Sirisena is elected into office, and takes on the country’s $64.9 billion debt.
13. December 2016 - SLPA & CMPHCL sign an agreement to sell China 80% of the shares, or $1.12 billion, of the port for a 99-year lease, including all land of the property.
14. May 2017 - Sri Lanka takes out an additional $1 billion loan out of the China Development Bank to help pay back debt.
15. July 2017 - Opposition parties in Sri Lanka denounce the agreement between the SLPA & CMPHCL, and a new agreement is reached that states that the Chinese company must divest a maximum of 20% within the next decade to Sri Lankan enterprises. Also, the new agreement bars foreign countries from docking military vessels at the port, at the request of India.
16. July 2018 - Sri Lanka moves a naval base to Hambantota, raising concerns from India and the United States.
17. 2019 - China Merchants Group announces a 136% increase of vessel usage at the port and fully automates and expands facilities.
18. May 2024 - Hambantota Port has become a main shipping importer of cars into Sri Lanka, with a monthly turnover of 700,000 vehicles. Chinese-owned oil refineries have opened at the port and the port has become much more economically feasible.

Funding and Financing

The construction of the Hambantota International Port has been financed through a private-public partnership with a joint venture between the Sri Lanka Ports Authority and the China Merchants Group. Originally, SLPA had full ownership over the port, but as the 2016 agreement between the SLPA and China Merchants subsidiary China Merchants Port Holdings Company states, CMPHCL owns 80% of shares, with SLPA owning the other 20%. The construction of the port was also largely financed through a set of buyer’s credit loans (BCL), preferential buyer’s credits (PBC) and government concessional loans (GCL) from the China Export-Import Bank. The first of these loans amounted to $551.58 million on December 30th, 2007. This loan, for the first phase of the project, originally accrued an interest rate of around 2%, but was then raised with the onset of the second loan to 6.5%. The second loan reached $808 million, which was agreed upon on September 17th, 2012, with a much lower interest rate of 2%.

Notably, the funding for this project has also faced extreme controversy. It was found that the exorbitant costs and interest rates were uncontested by the Rajapaksa Administration. For example, China Harbour Engineering Company, one of the contracted construction companies, charged Sri Lanka $40 million to remove a boulder blocking usage of the port in 2010. Diplomats criticized the expensive cost, citing that the companies were overcharging. It was also found that $7.6 million in the port construction fund were directly given to Rajapaksa campaign aides, with an additional $1.7 million given to Rajapaksa himself.

Institutional Arrangements

In the early 2000's the Sri Lankan government had the idea to build a deep sea port in Hambantota as way to boost their economic growth. This project was originally to be overseen by a government owned entity called The Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), the project was missing funding which is why Sri Lankan government sought investments from countries like the USA and India and when denied ultimately led them to fall into Chinas Debt trap diplomacy. Debated by many sources it is argued that Chinas intentions were not to take over the port, but ultimately in a common series of event the Chinese investment overwhelmed the Sri Lankan Government and entities who could not afford the port thus leading to the Sri Lankan Government to lease the port to (CMPorts) China Merchant Ports Holdings with a deal valued at approximately 1.1 Billion which would only provide short term relief for their financial debt, and losing them control over one of their most valuable and tactical assets, and this is what causes this situation to be identified as a Debt trap diplomacy move from the Chinese. Even though he Sri Lankan authorities still hold ownership over the port, CMPorts holds the majority authority and is the primary operator of the port after originally the Sri Lankan port authorities were to operate the port. This is an example used among the world to describe Chinas Debt trap Diplomacy and also a failure of a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) between Sir Lankan government owned entities and Chinese Private entities in the form of CMPorts.

Impacts and Operations

The impact the Hambantota port has had on Sri Lanka is vastly complicated to say the least because whilst it has created a great financial strain for the nation, It has also opened up many job opportunities in an area previously lacking in development for the people on this side of the country starting from construction, to operations, Transportation, etc.. opportunity which has given a boost to the economic state of Hambantota. Despite the enormous amount of Debt taken on by Sri Lanka to make this piece of infrastructure come to life, a very strategic and valuable asset how now failed to meet the expected traffic and use in order to bring in that economic boost so sought after. Ending and yet another strain for Sri Lanka now dependent economically by Chinese Entities. Not just economically dependent for the debt owed to the Chinese but also dependent on their operation of the port after seeing them sign a 99 year lease to CMPorts a Chinese State owned entity, has given commercial operational authority to the Chinese thus also being dependent on their efforts to bring in revenue to help relieve the financial strain already being faced.

Background

Originally, the Sri Lankan government had teased the idea of building a new port in the underdeveloped south as far back as the 1970s, however, after the 2001 parliamentary elections, newly-elected Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe announced the “Regaining Sri Lanka Economic Development Program”, which identified Hambantota as the site for the new international shipping port. In the following year, the Sri Lankan Government approached the Canadian International Development Agency to help finance the construction of the port. The Canadian Agency then agreed to the plan and financed the Canadian engineering firm SNC-Lavalin to conduct a feasibility report into whether building the port in Hambantota would be economically beneficial. The report supported Wickremesinghe’s ambitions in building the port, but plans failed to move forward due to Canada’s unwillingness to finance the project over concerns of contentious politics amidst the then ongoing Sri Lankan Civil War.

During his campaign for president in 2005, Mahinda Rajapaksa pledged to construct a new deep-water commercial port in his hometown of Hambantota, as an effort to ease traffic in Colombo’s shipping port, as well as bringing industry and revitalizing his underdeveloped home district. After being elected, Rajapaksa hired Danish consulting firm Ramboll to conduct a feasibility report on constructing a new international port in his hometown. Ramboll confirmed Rajapaksa’s plans by outlining a three-phase program in implementing the construction of the port through public and private partnerships. Rajapaksa used this report as means of evidence for his goals, and approached India and the United States with requests to finance this project. Both nations declined, and finally, Rajapaksa approached China, who then pledged to finance the port.

Narrative of the Case

Hambantota Port in Sri Lanka which started off as a project to gain a highly valuable asset for the country in various ways and a economic boost, how now become a valuable piece of infrastructure, and a controversial topic following the events occurred between Sri Lanka and the Chinese parties, now has spiked debated on the topics of international investment and Debt. Sri Lanka's Hambantota port a very valuable piece of infrastructure because of its strategic position and easy access to trade routes in the indian ocean is now in the control of the Chinese after signing a 99 year lease which was a last resort after being heavily in debt to Chinese investment parties which many believe was planned and many argue was not intentional.

Policy Issue

• “Debt-Trapping Diplomacy”
  • Many diplomats and scholars cite this port as one of the most notable examples of China’s new “debt-trapping diplomacy” policy tactics by indebting less economically-advantaged countries with massive infrastructure projects at extremely high interest rates, and then demanding repayment in a short amount of time which the debted country cannot repay. The incumbent Sirisena Administration cited that they aimed to appease India and the West but had no other option than to continue to turn to China because their debt was so high. This also plays into the broader picture of the current ongoing power competition between China and the United States, as well as between China and India. Both countries have expressed concerns over China’s growing presence in the country, especially India. Indian officials went so far as to demand Sri Lanka to include a clause in their agreement with China that foreign militaries cannot use the port in Hambantota, however China has consistently violated this clause.
  • Chinese authorities and Hambantota International Port Group (HIPG) officials refute the claim that China is preying on smaller countries, citing that they were able to “pay” China $1.12 billion in equity for the port instead of racking up interest rates and plunging further into debt. China has also stated that their only mistakes were investing in countries run by “corrupt politicians.”
• Modern-Day Imperialism
  • China’s seizure of this port, as well as the presence of Chinese naval vessels in the port paint a concerning picture that looks eerily similar to European colonial practices back in the 14th and 15th centuries. Hambantota being only a few nautical miles from shipping lanes that account for 80% of cargo between Asia, Africa and Europe highlight the region’s, and country’s, geopolitically advantageous position. China was also extremely quick to include the port in Hambantota as part of their “Belt and Road Initiative”, which has raised alarms across the West.
• Corruption
  • The construction and maintenance of Hambantota International Port has been rife with reports of corruption. President Rajapaksa, who spearheaded the development of this port, was caught numerous times providing himself, his brothers, his campaign team, and supporters with kickbacks worth over millions of dollars from funds that were loaned from the China Exim Bank for construction of Hambantota.

Takeaways

The Hambantota port will continue to be a valuable piece of infrastructure today and in the future due to its very strategic location, Indian ocean access, deep water, and large vessel accessibility. The port brings forward many debated which allows us to take note of many different events that occurred like Debt trap diplomacy which is what china is accused of doing throughout this project by using debt or financial leverage to take over an asset, we see International investment and debt, some would say a failure of Pubic-Private Partnership (PPP), and Risks of being over reliant on external debt and in this case nationally external.

Discussion Questions

Was this an intentional effort from Chinese parties to use financial leverage to obtain a strategically valuable asset?

Was this the only option Sri Lanka could have taken to build this port?

Was this a successful or unsuccessful example of Public-Private Partnership?

What could China do with this piece of infrastructure they are in control of?

Reading for discussion

1) Questioning the Debt-Trap Diplomacy Rhetoric surrounding Hambantota Port

https://gjia.georgetown.edu/2021/06/05/questioning-the-debt-trap-diplomacy-rhetoric-surrounding-hambantota-port/

2)Debunking the Myth of ‘Debt-trap Diplomacy’

https://www.chathamhouse.org/2020/08/debunking-myth-debt-trap-diplomacy/4-sri-lanka-and-bri

3)Understanding China’s Investments in Sri Lanka

https://www.airuniversity.af.edu/JIPA/Display/Article/2743982/geopositional-balancing-understanding-chinas-investments-in-sri-lanka/

References

1. https://www.proquest.com/docview/2226279448?accountid=14541&parentSessionId=j9ntRURPS%2B6ndWsfaz0O2btZvx3Wd1Cobq1%2B3UXeGvE%3D&pq-origsite=primo&sourcetype=Wire%20Feeds
2. https://www.proquest.com/docview/3035425392?accountid=14541&parentSessionId=r%2F%2BIxUQTJUcp0t73%2Fsdugi%2FxWhP0angMhNdAngsod7w%3D&pq-origsite=primo&sourcetype=Wire%20Feeds
3. https://www.proquest.com/docview/734628251?accountid=14541&parentSessionId=ACY2UtpG12VEk1%2BoqjTBybXO7T6MEQ029VLrEg4Bt9E%3D&pq-origsite=primo&sourcetype=Wire%20Feeds
4. https://www.csis.org/analysis/game-loans-how-china-bought-hambantota]
5. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/25/world/asia/china-sri-lanka-port.html
6. https://www.maritimeindia.org/View%20Profile/636276610966827339.pdf
7. https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/long-reads/article/3125914/narrative-surrounding-chinas-debt-trap-diplomacy
8. https://web.archive.org/web/20100311180106/http://www.businessweek.com/news/2010-03-08/sri-lanka-to-seek-tenants-for-550-million-tax-free-port-zone.html
9. https://www.ice.org.uk/what-is-civil-engineering/infrastructure-projects/hambantota-port-sri-lanka
10. http://archives.dailynews.lk/2003/07/17/bus01.html
11. https://www.sundaytimes.lk/031116/plus/6.htm
12. https://china.aiddata.org/projects/65812/
13. http://www.hipg.lk/about-us/public-private-partnership
14. https://web.archive.org/web/20210304112527/https://www1.hkexnews.hk/listedco/listconews/sehk/2017/0725/ltn20170725444.pdf
15. https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/chinese-military-survey-ship-docks-sri-lanka-port-2022-08-16/
16. https://gjia.georgetown.edu/2021/06/05/questioning-the-debt-trap-diplomacy-rhetoric-surrounding-hambantota-port/

Skyline Drive

This page is for a case study on the Shenandoah National Park scenic byway, Skyline Drive, created by Johnathan Selmer, Jay Shuey, and Guillermo Padilla. It is part of the GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) class offered at George Mason University taught by Jonathon Gifford.

Summary

The idea of Skyline Drive was first suggested in 1924. In a report from the Southern Appalachian National Park Commission to Secretary of the Interior Hubert Work recommending the establishment of a national park in this area, it was pointed out:

Shenandoah National Park, VA - Skyline Drive

“The greatest single feature, however, is a possible skyline drive along the mountain top, following a continuous ridge and looking westerly on the Shenandoah Valley, from 2,500 to 3,500 feet below, and also commanding a view of the Piedmont Plain stretching easterly to the Washington Monument, which landmark may be seen on a clear day. Few scenic drives in the world could surpass it.”

Under the joint supervision of the Bureau of Public Roads and the National Park Service, construction of Skyline Drive began in 1931. By September 15, 1934, the first section of the Drive, 34 miles long, was opened for travel. This made available an extensive region of the Blue Ridge in which was located the vast central portion of the proposed Shenandoah National Park extending from Thornton Gap to Swift Run Gap. Within a year more than one-half million visitors were attracted to this portion of the park.

Today, Skyline Drive has grown and now runs 105 miles north and south along the crest of the Blue Ridge Mountains and continues being the only public road through the Park – attracting over 1.2-million travelers annually.

Map of Location

Map of Skyline Drive — the scenic parkway in the Blue Ridge Mountains, within Shenandoah National Park, Virginia.

History/Timeline

• 1924: Southern Appalachian National Park Committee selects the site for a national park in the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia, leading to the establishment of Shenandoah National Park.
• 1929: President Herbert Hoover calls for the construction of a roadway along the Blue Ridge Mountains, initially proposed to be named Hoover Highway but later known as Skyline Drive.
• January 1931: Field survey for Skyline Drive begins.
• July 18, 1931: Official groundbreaking for Skyline Drive.
• Late 1932: Congress approves $1 million for the construction of Skyline Drive.
• 1933: Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) is formed and contributes to the construction of Skyline Drive.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt made his first visit to a CCC camp, at Camp Fechner, Big Meadows in Shenandoah National Park, Virginia, 1933. Seated at the table are left to right: Major General Paul B. Malone, commanding general of the Third Corps Area; Louis Howe, secretary to the president; Secretary of the Interior Harold L. Ickes; CCC Director Robert Fechner; President Franklin D. Roosevelt; Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace; and Assistant Secretary of Agriculture Rexford G. Tugwell.

• Mid-1934: Section of Skyline Drive between Thornton Gap and Swift Run Gap opens.
• 1935: Shenandoah National Park officially established, CCC continues construction on Skyline Drive.
• October 1, 1936: Skyline Drive completed between Front Royal and Thornton Gap.
• August 29, 1939: Portion of Skyline Drive from Swift Run Gap to Jarman Gap opens.
• August 11, 1939: Completion of the Blue Ridge Parkway section between Jarman Gap and Rockfish Gap, later incorporated into Shenandoah National Park as the southernmost portion of Skyline Drive in 1961.
• 1950s: Original chestnut log guardrails on Skyline Drive removed and not replaced.
• 1958: Marys Rock Tunnel partially lined with concrete.
• 1983: Federal Highway Administration begins work to replace original stone walls on Skyline Drive with concrete walls.
• April 28, 1997: Skyline Drive added to the National Register of Historic Places.
• September 22, 2005: Skyline Drive designated a National Scenic Byway.
• October 2008: Skyline Drive designated a National Historic Landmark for its role in the development of national parks in the eastern United States.

Funding and Financing

• Official groundbreaking was July 18, 1931, although the actual field survey began in January of that year.
• First section of construction initially was to be from Rapidan Camp to the Skyland Resort, some twenty miles, but evolved into the 34 miles from Swift Run Gap (U.S. 33) to Thornton Gap (U.S. 211). Original funds were allocated by the Federal Drought Relief Administration to employ Virginia farmers and apple pickers suffering from the severe drought impacts on the apple and produce harvests in 1930.
• Congress appropriated $1,000,000 the fall of 1932 to continue construction of the Drive and the Department of the Interior announced that the Drive would extend from Swift Run Gap to Front Royal.
• Roosevelt formed the Civilian Conservation Corps and the first two companies in the National Park Service were formed at Skyland (NP-1) and Big Meadows (NP-2). Shenandoah National Park would eventually benefit from ten CCC camps. May, 1933.
• Skyline Drive from Thornton Gap to Swift Run Gap was completed in the summer of 1934 and opened to the public on September 15, 1934. This section cost $1,570,479 or approximately $39,000/mile.
• Skyline Drive from Thornton Gap to Front Royal (32 miles) was opened to the public on October 1, 1936 and cost $ 1,235,177 or approximately $42,000/mile.
• Skyline Drive from Swift Run Gap to Jarman Gap (32.4 miles) was opened to the public on August 29,1939 and cost $1,666,528 or approximately $51,500/mile.
• Skyline Drive (then Blue Ridge Parkway) from Jarman Gap to Rockfish Gap (8.5 miles) was completed on August 11, 1939 and cost $358,636 or, approximately, $40,000/mile. [The southernmost section of the Drive from Jarman Gap to Rockfish Gap was originally constructed in 1938-1939 as a part of the Blue Ridge Parkway and was deeded to Shenandoah National Park in 1961.
• Fees are collected at entry points to Skyline Drive (Front Royal, Thornton Gap, Swift Run Gap, Rockfish Gap). Pass options include:
  • $30.00 for a seven-day pass for private non-commercial vehicles
  • $25.00 for motorcycles, $15.00 for individuals 16 and older (not in private non-commercial vehicles)
  • Commercial tours pay between $25.00 and $200.00 based on passengers
  • Annual park pass: $55.00 for private non-commercial vehicles
  • America the Beautiful Pass options:
    • Annual Pass: $80.00
    • Annual Senior Pass: $20.00
    • Lifetime Senior Pass: $80.00
    • Lifetime Access Pass (free for persons with disabilities)
    • Volunteer Pass (free for 250 service hours)
    • Free Annual Pass for U.S. Armed Forces members
    • Free admission for fourth graders' families with the Every Kid in a Park Pass.

Institutional Arrangements - Oversight and Maintenance

Key Actors and Institutions involved with the development and maintenance of the Skyline Drive include:

Logo of the United States National Park Service, an agency of the United States Department of the Interior.

• National Park Service (NPS): The designated federal agency responsible for the oversight and maintenance of the entire Skyline Drive.
• Department of the Interior (DOI): The parent agency that the NPS resides under, DOI directs funding towards NPS projects and collects fees from each park that the NPS administers.
• Southern Appalachian National Park Committee (SANPC): SANPC played a pivotal role in informing the general public about the overarching national park system and specifically about the creation of Southern Appalachia, as legislated by Congress.
• Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC): The CCC provided the necessary labor force for the construction of Skyline Drive, receieved financial backing, and oversaw the implementation of the scenic byway.
• Federal Highway Administration (FHA): FHA contributed to the design and provided some oversight during the construction of Skyline Drive. Given its jurisdiction over Federal lands, the FHA ensured compliance with its established standards throughout the development of Skyline Drive.

Narrative of the Case

In the late 19th century, widespread exploitation of natural resources, particularly in the Western regions, prompted growing concerns regarding wasteful practices and the need for conservation measures.

President Theodore Roosevelt emerged as a leading advocate for conservation, making calls for federal oversight of resources and the protection of wilderness areas. Collaborating with influential figures such as John Muir, founder of the Sierra Club, advocated preservation of natural resources from use, while Gifford Pinchot, a forester, called instead for conservation, the proper use of natural resources. Together, environmentalist advocacy of different types led to the establishment of the National Park Service by Congress in 1916, and the preservation of areas including Yosemite and Yellowstone. In addition, the Roosevelt administration implemented significant policies, notably the Newlands Act of 1902 and the establishment of the National Conservation Commission in 1909.

The proposal for a ridge road along the Blue Ridge mountains in Virginia was initially embraced as part of a new National Park plan in 1924. However, it sparked intense controversy within the conservation community. Benton MacKaye, a key figure in conservation, opposed the road, fearing it would disrupt the wilderness. On the other hand, Myron Avery, known for his leadership in trail construction, supported the road's inclusion in the Skyline Drive project. Their clash highlighted differing views on wilderness preservation versus accessibility.

Despite MacKaye's objections, the road was built, deepening the divide between preservationists and those advocating for broader public access to nature. The conflict underscored the complexities involved in balancing conservation objectives with societal interests. While MacKaye emphasized preserving the untouched wilderness of the Appalachian region, Avery prioritized practical trail construction and public engagement. Their disagreement left a lasting impact on the history of conservation in the United States, serving as a significant chapter in the evolving narrative of wilderness preservation.

Policy Issues

Environmental Impact & Wildlife Management:

The way Shenandoah National Park has approached their environmental and wildlife management has evolved over time to address challenges from increased human activities, including as they pertain to Skyline Drive. A scenic byway stretching 105 miles through the park, Skyline Drive aimed to provide visitors with stunning views of the Blue Ridge Mountains from the comfort of their vehicles. However, this monumental undertaking altered the landscape and ecosystems and created long-lasting consequences for the park's natural environment.

The Shenandoah Salamander - an endangered species found only in Shenandoah National Park

The construction phase of Skyline Drive involved extensive land clearing, grading, and paving, which resulted in the destruction and fragmentation of local habitats . Habitat fragmentation impedes the movement of wildlife populations, inhibits gene flow between isolated habitats, and increases the vulnerability of species to extinction. Forested areas were cleared to make way for the roadway meanwhile excavations and the construction of bridges and retaining walls altered the park's natural drainage and rate of soil erosion . Skyline Drive's ongoing use as a popular tourist attraction and recreational thoroughfare has continued to impact Shenandoah National Park's environment and wildlife. Influxes of traffic along the roadway introduced air and noise pollution, which disrupted wildlife behavior, and posed risks to pedestrian safety. Regular road maintenance, such as asphalt resurfacing and roadside vegetation management, continue to act as a catalyst of environmental degradation. Invasive species along road corridors pose a threat to native plant communities and exacerbates competition for resources.

Despite these environmental challenges, legislation such as the Clean Air Act, enacted in 1970, have provided regulatory frameworks for environmental protection in Shenandoah National Park. The Endangered Species Act of 1973 required the protection of at-risk species like the Shenandoah Salamander . Recent technological advancements allow park officials to evaluate management effectiveness and monitor wildlife, habitat, and ecosystem health more closely. The SWAS-VTSSS (Stream Water and Sediment Chemistry, Virginia Tech School of Forestry and Wildlife Sciences) monitoring program, initiated in 1979, plays a crucial role in evaluating water quality and ecological conditions in mountain streams affected by Skyline Drive and other anthropogenic activities . The program contributes to evidence-based and adaptive management practices in Shenandoah National Park by collecting comprehensive data on stream water chemistry, discharge rates, and ecological responses. The National Park Conservation Association's (NPCA) "Polluted Parks Report" underscores the ongoing challenges posed by air pollution in Shenandoah National Park . Despite its designation as one of only 49 Class I air areas managed by the National Park Service, the park continues to experience significant air quality concerns stemming from external sources of pollution . Efforts to address air quality concerns involve sophisticated monitoring systems, regulatory compliance, and collaborative initiatives to reduce pollution levels and preserve the park's natural resources.

Land Acquisition & Eminent Domain:

The policy of land acquisition and eminent domain for the creation of Shenandoah National Park was a multifaceted and contentious process that unfolded over several years in the 1930s. Discussions about the park's creation began in 1924, but it wasn't until February 1, 1934, that the federal government under Arno Cammerer, director of the National Park Service, announced that the government would not accept land for the park from the state of Virginia until all residents had left the area.

The Thomas family, residents of the mountain land before the park was established. Photo: Shenandoah National Park

In 1928, the Virginia legislature passed a condemnation law which allowed the state to acquire land for park via eminent domain. However, the law faced opposition from landowners who felt undervalued by the state's appraisal process. By 1933, landowners owning about 20,000 acres of land had contested the appraised values, leading to appeal hearings and delays in the acquisition process. The blanket condemnation law also faced legal challenges, most notably in the case of Robert H. Via, who sued the state on constitutional grounds citing the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. Although Via's appeal was ultimately rejected by the Supreme Court in November 1935, his legal battle slowed the land acquisition process. Furthermore, an estimated 268 families living in Shenandoah at the time had no legal claim to the land they had inhabited for generations. The total number of families affected by the removals and resettlement efforts exceeded 500.

The "buy an acre" campaign was another significant facet of the park's creation. This campaign aimed to raise funds for land acquisition through public donations. Led by the Shenandoah National Park Association, park backers initiated a campaign aimed at persuading Virginians from around the state to contribute to the land fund. With a slogan advocating that Virginians "Buy an Acre" for $6.00, the fundraising drive raised nearly $1.2 million dollars. Approximately $1 million of funding came from state appropriations at the urging of Governor Byrd. Park enthusiasts also tried to secure donations from noted philanthropists. Carson had hoped to raise $2 million dollars from these notable figures, but only won a small percentage of that amount. With celebrity philanthropists largely absent from the list of supporters and with the onset of the Depression in 1930 sharply curtailing other fundraising efforts, park supporters had raised only slightly more than half of the estimated $4 million dollars needed to purchase the 321,000 acres. Consequently, Carson once again prevailed upon Congress to reduce the park's size. In 1932, Congress made its final acreage reduction, drastically reducing the minimum acreage needed for the park to be established to 160,000 acres, less than one-third the original congressional authorization mandated.

Corbin Cabin - located in Nicholson Hollow, the cabin was constructed in 1910 and is the only structure in the park which remains an intact example of a mountain cabin

The removals began in earnest after the federal government officially accepted title to 176,429.8 acres of land from Virginia on December 26, 1935. By early 1938, fewer than four years after Cammerer's removal order, between 500 and 600 families had permanently left their homes in the park. The removals were often met with resistance, resulting even with some families needing to be forcibly evicted by local law enforcement.

Initiatives were undertaken to assist displaced families in resettling. One such initiative was the Federal Homestead Corporation (FHC), which initially aimed to establish homesteads for former residents. This initiative was stalled due to its extensive bureaucratic process and legal issues. The project was later revived under the Resettlement Administration (RA) in 1937. Efforts of the RA resulted in the construction of homesteads in locations across Page, Greene, Madison, Rappahannock, and Rockingham county and were estimated to cost $6,000 per homestead. Of the more than 500 families affected by removals, only 170 families qualified for and were placed in these homesteads. However, the homesteads included mortgages and monthly bills to which many of these discplaced families were unaccustomed to. Within two decades, none of the original mountain families remained within their resettlement homesteads.

Key Lessons and Takeaways

In the broader context of national parks, large government projects such as Skyline Drive are an example of planners and policymakers utilizing the government's sole authority to acquire private property for public use through eminent domain. Eminent domain has always been and will remain a heated topic for debate within the United State’s legal system, with the pushback citing constitutional arguments for protections against the deprivation of life, liberty, and property, juxtaposed with the government’s authority to violate those said protections with reasonable cause and just compensation.

Skyline Drive in Shenandoah National Park serves as a stark reminder of the delicate balance between human development and environmental preservation in national parks. The construction and use of this scenic byway demonstrates the lasting effects that human activities can have on natural landscapes. The National Park Service has committed itself to spreading awareness of related environmental issues and promoting more sustainable practices to preserve America’s most treasured landscapes for generations to come.

Discussion Questions

1. How do you think the construction of Skyline Drive reflects the broader tension between preserving wilderness areas and making them accessible to the public?

2. How do you view the ethical and legal implications of eminent domain in the context of conservation efforts and public infrastructure projects?

3. How might compensation initiatives for eminent domain take into account the cultural and historical connections of individuals who lack a legal claim to the land they have called home for generations? Should those individuals be compensated?

4. Scenic roads through national parks offer a chance to experience nature up close. However, they also become arenas for tension among pedestrians, cyclists, and motorists, all vying for use of these spaces. How can policymakers balance the enjoyment of these roads for different users while ensuring safety and preservation of the natural environment?

5. Considering the current political climate, do you believe a project like Skyline Drive could be undertaken today? Would a venture of this nature, balancing preservation (protection against use) and conservation (proper use of natural resources), even be considered?

Port Miami Tunnel

This page is for a case study on the Port Miami Tunnel, created by Xiyuan Tang, Yitong Zhou, and Yueying Cao. It is part of the GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) class offered at George Mason University taught by Jonathon Gifford.

Summary

Port Miami Tunnel, located in Miami, Florida, is a vital transportation infrastructure project designed to improve connectivity and enhance traffic flow in and out of the Port Miami area. The tunnel was conceived to address the growing congestion and facilitate the movement of goods and people between the port and the surrounding areas.

Approved after decades of planning and discussion in December 2007, the project faced a temporary cancellation a year later. However, construction resumed, commencing in May 2010. Subsequently, the tunnel was opened to traffic on August 3, 2014.

On a typical weekday, nearly 16,000 vehicles commute to and from Port Miami via downtown streets, with truck traffic constituting 28 percent of this vehicular movement. Beyond facilitating expedited access for trucks and automobiles heading to the port, the Port Tunnel is strategically designed to optimize traffic flow in Downtown Miami.

The Port Miami Tunnel enhances accessibility to and from the Port, functioning as a dedicated roadway connector that links the Port with the MacArthur Causeway (State Road A1A) and I-395. This tunnel is accessible to all, catering to both cruise and cargo traffic.

Maps of Location

Location of Port Miami Tunnel

History/Timeline

• October 1981– M-D MPO Transportation Planning Committee (TPC) establishes POM Access Task Force.

• March 21, 1991 – At joint Technical Advisory Committee (TAC)/Citizen Advisory Committee (CAC) meeting, members are informed that FDOT, FHWA, Port of Miami and City of Miami endorsed the preferred alternative, which makes  the tunnel a viable project with potential for implementation.

• February 17, 2006 – FDOT issues a Request for Qualifications (RFQ) from proposers seeking to develop, design, construct, finance, operate and maintain the POMT project through a Concession Agreement.

• October 4, 2007 – M-D BOCC agrees to fund a portion of project ($402.5 million) provided that the City of Miami also contributes a portion of the local funding.

• December 13, 2007 – The City of Miami Commission agrees to fund a portion of project ($55 million).

• February 15, 2008 – MAT is named the Best Value Proposer.

• December 12, 2008 – FDOT announces that an agreement with MAT will not be reached due to financial difficulties.

• April 16, 2009 – FDOT announces plans to continue procurement process.

• May 8, 2009 – FDOT authorizes replacement of Babcock & Brown with Meridiam Infrastructure as the MAT equity partner.

• June 2, 2009 – FDOT reaches Commercial Close with MAT consortium.

• October 15, 2009 – FDOT reaches Financial Close with Miami Access Tunnel (MAT) and issues Notice to Proceed for 55 month Design and Construction schedule.

• May 24, 2010 – Florida Department of Transportation (FDOT) issues Notice to Proceed 2, allowing the contractor, Bouygues Civil Works Florida (BCWF), to begin construction.

• July 31, 2012 - Mining of the Eastbound Tunnel was completed as the Tunnel Boring Machine broke out on Dodge island (PortMiami).

• May 6, 2013 - Mining of the Westbound Tunnel was completed as the Tunnel Boring Machine broke out on Watson Island.

• August 3, 2014-The Tunnel was opened to traffic.

Funding and Financing

Funding sources

Total Eligible project cost - $1,072.9 million  

Project Partners

• Senior Bank debt - $341.5 million  

Provided by  BNP Paribas, Banco Bilbao Bizcaya Argentina, RBS Citizens, Banco Santander, Bayerische Hypo, Calyon, Dexia, ING Capital, Societe Generale, and WestLB.  

• TIFIA Loan - $341 million  

Federal Highway Administration' s (FHWA) approval of the TIFIA loan was contingent on the provision and approval of financing from the City of Miami and Miami-Dade County.  

• Equity contribution - $80.3 million (private)

MAT Concessionaire LLC  

□ Meridiam Infrastructure Finance SARL (Luxembourg) provides 89.8 percent of project equity through Meridiam Infrastructure Miami, LLC. (90% equity partner)

□ Bouygues Travaux Public S.A. provides 10.2 percent equity contribution through Dragages Concession Florida, Inc. (10%equity partner)

• FDOT Milestone Payment during construction - $100 million  
• FDOT Development Fund - $209.8 million

Availability Payment

Besides the $100 million milestone payments during the construction period between 2010 and 2013, FDOT paid MAT  a $350 million final acceptance payment upon construction completion.

The concession for the tunnel was structured under an availability payment model, under which the concessionaire would receive ongoing payments over the life of the concession covering capital and maintenance costs. The Maximum Annual Availability Payment is $32.5 million (2009 dollars) The payment is  based on the availability of the road  Deductions are made from this amount if MAT's operation of the facility does not meet prescribed performance standards.

30 years of availability payments during the operating period comes from a combination of federal and state funds. Responsibility for covering these payments is based on a roughly 50/50 distribution between FDOT and the local public agencies. FDOT will provide an estimated $457 million, which will be paid from its annual budget. Miami-Dade County is providing an estimated $402 million. To complete the funding for the project, the City of Miami has agreed to contribute $50.0 million, which is being financed through a Letter of Credit.

Institutional Arrangement

Legal Foundations

In 1991, the Florida Legislature, recognizing the public need for “rapid construction of safe and efficient transportation facilities”, enacted Florida Statute§334.30.  The legislation was subsequently amended several times over the next twenty years.

With the legislation final amendment in 2004,  FDOT was granted comprehensive authority, with legislative approval, to enter into agreements with private entities to build, operate, own or finance transportation facilities. The 2004 amended version of §334.30 established the following guidelines for PPP contracts: (i) permitted the receipt of solicited and unsolicited proposals; (ii) allowed reimbursements to the private sector through the Toll Facilities Revolving Trust Fund; (iii) refined the guidelines for toll rate setting; (iv) encouraged revenue sharing between the private sector and FDOT; (v) allowed FDOT to use a combination of funding sources for project development, including federal funds; and (vi) limited PPP contracts to 50-years.  

In addition, the bill also requires that no more than 15% of the total annual state and federal funds in the State Transportation Trust Fund be allocated for P3 projects. FDOT is required to submit the P3 into either its five-year work plan, or, in cases of projects of more than $500 million dollars, the 10-year strategic intermodal system plan.

Major actors

Florida Department of Transportation (FDOT)  

On the Port of Miami Tunnel project, FDOT is the project’s Grantor and will be entering into a concession agreement throughout an undetermined (approximately 30-50 years) amount of time.

The Miami Access Tunnel (MAT) Concessionaire LLC,

Comprised of Bouygues Travaux Publics (France), S.A. Babcock & Brown Infrastructure Group (Australia), and Canadian financing partners (Minnesota Department of Transportation )

Responsible for the design, finance, building, operation and maintenance of the Port of Miami Tunnel in conjunction with FDOT.

Narrative of the Case

The Florida Department of Transportation District 6 (FDOT D6) began a study in 1987 for a master plan to improve the traffic circulation and congestions between the Port of Miami and downtown Miami, FL. This sudy included a tunnel connection between two man-made islands, the Watson and the Dodge islands. Though a finding of no significant impact was completed in 1992, the project remained on hold for about 10 years.

In 2003, Florida's Turnpike Enterprise (FTE) started POMT Re-evaluation Study to update project documents based on present conditions and examine construction methods for preferred alternative selected in original (Project Design & Environmental Study)

In 2005, the FDOT D6 regained its charge over the project and concluded that a bored tunnel under Biscayne Bay was feasible.

Pre-construction analyses identified the significant potential risk associated with the tunnel, as a bored tunnel of that size had never been constructed in the U.S. As a result, FDOT began to explore the possibility of developing the Port of Miami Tunnel as a P3 in order to mitigate the state's risk exposure, drawing on Florida's recently strengthened P3 enabling legislation. Discussions with potential bidders regarding this approach were also positive, leading FDOT to initiate procurement of the project as a DBFOM concession in February 2006.

In May 2007, FDOT announced its intent to award the concession to MAT, comprised of the Australian investment firm Babcock and Brown and the French construction firm Bouyges, a subsidiary of which would serve as the lead contractor on the project. Once funding commitments from the state, county, and city partners were finalized, a formal award was made in February 2008. However, financing for the project soon became caught up in the market turmoil of that year, which would see the failure of both Babcock and Brown and Lehman Brothers, its underwriter for the project. In late 2008, Meridiam replaced Babcock and Brown as the primary equity partner in the concession.

Policy Issues

Unpredictable Geotechnical Conditions

Due to the highly porous and inherently unpredictable geology beneath Biscayne Bay, the Port of Miami Tunnel project poses a significant challenge even for the most experienced tunneling contractors. The unforeseeable ground conditions are likely to result in delays and cost overruns . The final ground model from the ground investigation of the Port of Miami Tunnel indicates the presence of weak, highly porous Key Largo coralline limestone in Layer S7. This led to disputes over the additional costs for pumping extra concrete (i.e., grouting) to allow tunneling to continue.It is evident that FDOT cannot bear this risk alone, and if it were to transfer all the risks of geotechnical condition changes to the private sector, either no one would bid or bid prices would skyrocket.

To address these issues, a $180 million geotechnical contingency fund was established as part of the PPP contract to to mitigate extra work costs and delay costs arising out of changed geotechnical conditions during construction.  

The risk of increased tunneling cost was therefore shared. The distribution of this fund is as follows: the first $10 million is borne solely by the concessionaire, the next $150 million is borne solely by the FDOT, and the last $20 million is borne solely by the concessionaire. Extra work costs and delay costs for changed geotechnical conditions that exceed $180 million are considered extraordinary geotechnical losses. If the USD $180 million fund is exhausted, the parties would have the right to terminate the contract.

Finance challenge

The project was tendered during the most severe period of the global financial crisis. Prior to finalizing financing, Babcock and Brown, which had committed to providing 90% equity, filed for bankruptcy. As a result, it was unable to meet its cash obligations or secure financing. Initially, FDOT considered either reprocuring or canceling the project altogether. To prevent the project from being reprocured and to limit further delays, local and state elected officials lobbied FDOT to allow another company to replace Babcock & Brown as the 90% equity partner in the MAT consortium. Subsequently, Meridiam joined the consortium as the primary equity investor, replacing Babcock and Brown, and completed financial settlement with the project company, MAT Concessionaire, LLC, in 2009.

The economic crisis not only impacted private partners but also had significant effects on City of Miami and Miami-Dade County. During the economic downturn, real estate values plummeted, economic activity declined substantially, leading to a decrease in property and sales tax revenues, severely impacting the Miami metropolitan area. Both the City of Miami and Miami-Dade County faced difficulties in fulfilling their financial commitments. At the time of financial closure, the City of Miami was trying to offset a $118 million deficit, thus delaying the approval of a $50 million letter of credit intended for project funding. Although the City of Miami's financial commitment was approved in December 2007, a second approval was required before September 25, 2009. Specifically, approval of the city and county's financial commitments was a condition for the TIFIA loan. The extension of the financing deadline allowed the project to proceed, and the City of Miami approved the project's letter of credit on October 8, 2009. Financing was completed on October 15, 2009. Miami-Dade County initially needed to provide $600 million for the project. This amount was calculated based on the estimated project cost of $1.2 billion, split evenly with the U.S. Department of Transportation. In 2006, the county developed a financing plan of approximately $489 million. As part of this plan, the county explored the possibility of tunnel tolls. However, the cruise industry at the Port of Miami opposed this tolling method, as it would increase both their employees' actual costs and an additional fee per cruise ticket for customers. After the estimated total project cost was reduced to $900 million, the county's contribution was reduced to $402 million.

Lessons Learned/Takeaways

The POMT was the second availability payment P3 project to reach financial close in the United States. It is innovative in several aspects, providing valuable lessons for the construction industry at large and the PPP market in particular.

Risk allocation is a key focus. In general, the Availability Payment scheme will emphasize transferring sufficient risk， including significant construction and operating risk, to the Concessionaire and discouraging non-performance. All risks not expressly assumed in part or whole by FDOT are assumed by the Concessionaire. In addition, FDOT recognizes the unique nature of the Project’s geotechnical risk and the need to allocate it appropriately between FDOT and the Concessionaire. While in many PPP projects involving construction, most of the construction risks are allocated to the construction contractor, tunnel projects may entail particularly high risks related to unforeseen ground conditions, delays, and cost overruns. The upfront consideration of significant construction and financial risks through the establishment of a contingency fund enabled a satisfactory outcome when these risks materialized during the construction period. In this project, risks that were beyond the control of either party were shared, which had a positive impact on the working relationship between the parties.  It ensured a fair and optimized risk allocation and helped maintain a positive relationship between the parties.

Government support and cooperation between different levels of government are also critical for large projects like POMT. This support and cooperation began in the project structuring phase, where funding was provided by federal, state, county, and city sources, with the City of Miami also granting land access. Given the decision not to charge tolls, ongoing funding from government departments is crucial. Joint funding, continuous involvement, and political support from the four different levels of government (federal, state, county, and city) have helped overcome challenges during construction.

Discussion Questions

1. What are the advantages and disadvantages of public-private partnerships for infrastructure projects? In what cases does this model work better?
2. How does the availability payment model in public-private partnerships affect project financing and operations? How does this model incentivize the private sector to provide long-term reliable infrastructure services?
3. Do you think the current public-private partnership model based on risk allocation needs to be improved in the future? Or can the PPP mode such as the Port of Miami Tunnel continue to be used?

Metro Flood Diversion (MN/ND)

This page is a case study on the Metro Flood Diversion Project in Fargo, North Dakota and Moorhead, Minnesota, created by Abigail Dodson, Ameera Ali, and Shareef Ibrahim. It is part of the GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) class offered at George Mason University taught by Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

The 1997 Red River Flood in the Fargo-Moorhead metropolitan area caused extensive damage, displacing thousands and damaging schools, businesses, government offices, and homes. In response, the Metro Flood Diversion Project was initiated as a pivotal infrastructure initiative to mitigate flooding risks in the region, spanning from Fargo, North Dakota, to Moorhead, Minnesota. Its primary goal was to address the historical flooding issues caused by the overflow of the Red River during snow melt or heavy rainfall. The Metro Flood Diversion Project comprises essential components, including a diversion channel, control structures, levees, embankments, environmental considerations, and community engagement and funding. A central feature of the project is the diversion channel, designed to redirect excess water from the Red River during flood events, thus bypassing the metropolitan area. This project represents a collaborative effort between two states to protect the Fargo-Moorhead region from the devastating effects of flooding and enhance the resilience of local communities against future weather catastrophes. This project marks the first Public-Private Partnership (P3) venture undertaken by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, representing a nationwide initiative for the split-delivery model. It is North America's leading P3 water management endeavor, setting a precedent for collaborative infrastructure development. The project also represents a groundbreaking green finance initiative for climate change adaptation in the United States, exemplifying innovative approaches to environmental resilience.

Map of Location

Metro Flood Diversion Project Map

Timeline of Events

Sorlie Bridge Flooding - Red River Flood of 1997

1997: Major flooding occurred after Blizzard Hannah. The Red River rose to a high of 44.83 feet and caused over $6.4 billion of damage (after inflation) to Grand Forks, North Dakota and East Grand Forks, Minnesota . 

1998 - 2007: The Fargo and Moorhead communities recover from the effects of the Red River Flood. The local governments use buy-out programs to manage properties in high flood areas. Businesses like the Alerus Center and the Ralph Engelstad Arena reopen. A commercial office complex center is built.

2008: The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers conducts a feasibility study for a flood diversion project.

2009: The Red River floods.

2010: The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers publishes the Draft Feasibility Report and Environmental Impact Statement. Two diversion projects were proposed from this study: One in North Dakota and one in Minnesota.

2011: The Red River floods.

2014: The Metro Flood Diversion Project was authorized for construction by the Water Resources Reform and Development Act.

2016:

• The Minnesota Department of Natural resources denies the permit required for a flood diversion project in the state.
• The Metro Flood Diversion Authority (MFDA) is formed.
• The Joint Powers Agreement between North Dakota and Minnesota is created.

2022: The Metro Flood Diversion Project was started.

Red River after Grand Forks levee was overtopped in 1997.

2027: Expected completion of the Project.

Key Actors, Institutions, and Agreements

United States Army Corps of Engineers

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers spearheads a unique Public-Private Partnership (P3) model, collaborating with the private sector to efficiently address the Midwest's flood risks. This partnership brings expertise and funding and ensures the construction of levees, flood walls, and essential infrastructure.

Public Private Partnership

A Public-Private Partnership (PPP) is a collaborative effort between government entities and private sector organizations to develop, finance, and manage public infrastructure or services. In the metro flood diversion project context, PPPs played a significant role in leveraging private sector expertise, resources, and innovation to address the region's flood risks effectively. By partnering with private entities, the project gained access to additional funding sources, accelerated project timelines, and enhanced technical capabilities. PPPs also facilitate sharing of risks and responsibilities between the public and private sectors, ensuring greater accountability and efficiency in project delivery. Moreover, PPPs enabled the metro flood diversion project to harness innovative financing mechanisms and management strategies, ultimately enhancing the project's resilience and sustainability in mitigating flood hazards for the Fargo-Moorhead community.

Metro Flood Diversion Authority (MFDA)

the Metro Flood Diversion Authority (MFDA), formed in 2016, selected the Red River Valley Alliance to design, build, finance, operate, and maintain a 30-mile-long diversion channel crucial for managing floodwaters around the two cities. The MFDA is tasked with ensuring safe and timely construction, land acquisition, and environmental permit compliance, while the Corps oversees the Southern Embankment and Associated Infrastructure construction.

Red River Valley Alliance

The Red River Valley Alliance includes members with responsibilities associated with the Diversion Project.

Guarantors

Responsible for the project's design, construction, financing, operation, and maintenance for 30 years post-construction:

• Acconia S.A.
• Shikun & Binui Ltd.
• North American Energy Partners Inc.

Leaders

• Acconia S.A.
• Shikun & Binui Ltd.
• North American Energy Partners Inc.
• Red River Constructors

Expertise Contributors

• Red River Valley Alliance Design
• Hatch Associates Consultants Inc., and COWI North America Inc.

Subcontractors

• Amec Foster Wheeler
• Wenck Associates Inc.

Joint Powers Agreement

The Joint Powers Agreement (JPA) in the metro flood diversion project allows North Dakota and Minnesota to work together in the Fargo-Moorhead area to reach a common goal: reduce flooding and protect communities. This agreement helps both states work together smoothly by setting clear rules for decision-making and resource sharing. It also simplifies handling legal and regulatory matters across state lines, saving time and effort. By working together, North Dakota and Minnesota can address shared challenges more effectively, ensuring better community protection against flooding. The Joint Powers Agreement further solidifies stakeholder collaboration, aiming to deliver permanent, reliable flood protection by 2027.

Metro Flood Diversion Project Details

The Metro Flood Diversion Project has two main parts: a 30-mile-long channel to redirect surplus storm water flow around the metropolitan area and temporarily store it on vacant land (acquired by flowage easements) and the in-town levee project to modify 13 levees and 27 storm water lift stations. In addition, a 20-mile-long embankment, 19 highway bridges, three railroad bridges, three gated structures, and two aqueduct structures are being constructed.

Rendering of the metro flood diversion channel.

Stormwater Diversion Channel

The Red River Valley Alliance is responsible for delivering the stormwater diversion channel for this project. The channel is 30 miles long and includes diversion outlets and aqueducts along the Sheyenne and Maple Rivers. In addition, there will be fourteen drainage inlets, three railroad crossings, two pairs of interstate crossings, and twelve county road crossings.

Southern Embankment

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers is responsible for delivering the Southern Embankment portion of this project. The Southern Embankment is 22 miles long and has three gated control structures: the Diversion Inlet Structure, the Wild Rice River Structure, and the Red River Structure. Each structure will have a radial arm that allows gates to raise and lower for water control during the project. This portion of the Metro Flood Diversion Project also includes the I-29 Bridge crossing, 4-mile grade raise, and county and township road crossings.

Mitigation Projects

The Metro Flood Diversion Authority and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers will collaborate with local governments to accomplish various mitigation projects, with the USACE not directly involved in their delivery. The upstream mitigation efforts will focus on safeguarding or relocating property structures and cemeteries, which will be acquired through flowage easements facilitated by the MFDA. Additionally, levees will be constructed in Oxbow-Hickson-Bakke and Christine, North Dakota, and Wolverton, Minnesota. Drain 27 in Oxbow, North Dakota, will be enhanced to protect a wetland area, while stream restoration will be carried out on the Lower Otter Trail River.

Cost, Financing Sources, and Funding

The Metro Flood Diversion Project incurred a total expenditure of $3.2 billion, with allocations as follows: $989 million for the construction of the channel under the Public-Private Partnership, $703 million allocated to the southern embankment project overseen by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, $502 million designated for Lands and Impacted Property Mitigation, $266 million directed towards in-town levees, $250 million attributed to non-construction costs, and $44 million set for other mitigation construction endeavors.

Various avenues of financing were utilized to support this extensive project. Notably, $273 million in Private Activity Bonds, including Tax-exempt Green Bonds, were secured through institutions such as Morgan Stanley, Citigroup, Mikko Securities Indonesia, and Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corporation. MetLife Investment Management contributed $197 million through Private Placement funds, while the Water Infrastructure Finance Innovation Act loans facilitated $643 million in Revolving Credit. The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act provided an additional $437 million. Furthermore, communities demonstrated their commitment by voting to augment long-term sales taxes, ensuring sustained funding through a multi-generational Public-Private Partnership (P3) payment structure.

Funding for the project came from federal, state, and local P3 channels. A substantial portion, amounting to $1 billion, was procured through voter-approved sales taxes extended until 2084, adhering to the P3 model. The State of Minnesota contributed $86 million, while the State of North Dakota allocated $870 million. At the federal level, a Project Partnership Agreement (PPA) signed in 2016 secured $750 million towards the endeavor.Technical Issues

Technical Issues

Land Acquisition

Land acquisition is critical to securing the space required to implement flood mitigation measures such as levees, channels, and infrastructure. The process consists of acquiring pieces of property from owners within the project area through negotiation, purchase agreements, and, when necessary, eminent domain. Land acquisition is undertaken to ensure adequate space for construction of flood protection and water flow management structures, which reduce flood risks and safeguard communities in the Fargo-Moorhead region. The MFDA uses the following steps to acquire land for the project:

1. A U.S. Army Corps of Engineers design engineer flags land that is must be acquired for the project and notifies the MFDA director of lands and compliance and lands program manager.
2. The MFDA Finance Committee reviews the property rights request and the project budget.
3. Once approved, the MFDA Finance Committee issues a Land Acquisition Directive to The Cass County Joint Water Resource District (CCJWRD) in North Dakota or the Moorhead Clay County Joint Powers Authority (MCCJPA) in Minnesota.
4. Land agents contact the land owners to develop a contract. The contract could be for either a flowage easement or a total property acquisition.

Flowage Easements

Landowners receive payment from the MFDA for the right to periodically store floodwater on the landowner's property. The entities associated with the Metro Flood Diversion Authority (MFDA) will be responsible for acquiring flowage easements. The Cass County Joint Water Resource District (CCJWRD) will oversee the acquisition process in North Dakota. In Minnesota, the acquisition of easements will be managed by either the City of Moorhead, Clay County, or the Moorhead-Clay County Joint Powers Authority (MCCJPA).

Property Acquisitions

Project engineers identify land parcels that the Fargo-Moorhead area will impact, and appraisals are scheduled for each parcel based on construction timelines. Appraisals are reported to Cass County Joint Water Resource District (CCJWRD) in North Dakota or the Moorhead-Clay County Joint Powers Authority (MCCJPA) in Minnesota. Based on the appraisal, an offer to purchase is made and serves as a basis for negotiations between land agents and landowners. After an agreement, a closing date is set where updated property rights are established, and the landowner is paid.

Crop Damage Programs

The MFDA offers comprehensive crop coverage insurance, ensuring that landowners will be protected in the event of flooding caused by the MFDA's activities. Under this coverage, landowners can claim compensation equivalent to the producer's yield multiplied by the crop insurance price. It is important to note that if a landowner receives payment from a federal crop insurance policy for a crop loss claim, it will be accounted for before the MFDA's supplemental crop loss program provides additional compensation. Even if federal crop insurance ceases, the MFDA remains bound by its obligations outlined in the Settlement Agreement, guaranteeing continued support to affected landowners.

Environmental Considerations

The Metro Flood Diversion Project is supported by environmental policies that minimize its ecological footprint and ensure sustainable development. These policies contain a variety of measures designed to protect and enhance biodiversity, water quality, and natural habitats within the project area. Environmental impact assessments evaluate potential effects on wildlife, wetlands, and other sensitive ecosystems, guiding the project's design and implementation to mitigate adverse impacts. Additionally, the project incorporates green infrastructure elements such as vegetative buffers, wetland and stream restoration, and erosion control measures to protect the floodplains and improve overall environmental resilience. The project adheres to strict regulatory requirements and mitigation protocols, ensuring compliance with federal, state, and local environmental laws and standards. By prioritizing environmental stewardship and conservation, the Metro Flood Diversion Project aims to balance flood risk reduction and ecological sustainability, safeguarding human communities and the natural environment for future generations.

Narrative of the Case

Following the 1997 Red River Flood in the Fargo-Moorhead region, it became evident that decisive action was necessary to mitigate the threat of future flood events. As data analysts and scientists linked the floods to global climate change, it undersCorpsd the potential recurrence of similar catastrophic events. While addressing atmospheric impacts to curb climate change remains a priority, the States of North Dakota and Minnesota face limitations in altering natural processes such as snowfall, melting, and subsequent flooding during the spring thaw. The topography of the region also poses challenges, limiting extensive modifications. In response to these constraints, the Metro Flood Diversion Project emerges as a proactive solution to effectively manage flood risks and protect the Fargo-Moorhead area from recurring threats.

The necessity of the Metro Flood Diversion Project had widespread community support, notably as residents of the Fargo-Moorhead area voted to increase taxes until 2084 to contribute to its funding. This endorsement reflected the community's recognition of the project's critical importance in mitigating the devastating impacts of events like the 1997 flood, which imposed significant financial losses on the region and increased insurance rates. This grassroots initiative propelled the issue to higher levels of government, fostering collaboration between local, state, and federal entities. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers played a vital role at the state and federal levels, leveraging its expertise and resources to support the project's development and implementation. Through this multi-tiered collaboration, the Metro Flood Diversion Project emerged as a unified response to the pressing need for comprehensive flood protection, underscoring the effectiveness of intergovernmental cooperation in addressing complex regional challenges.

Lessons Learned / Key Takeaways

The 1997 Red River flood emphasized the significance of infrastructure resilience and the collaboration between state and federal government entities, local governments, and private engineering firms. Rainfall patterns in the midwest continued to increase after 1997; flooding in the midwest was inevitable due to the flat terrain and the northward flow to Canada. In addition, proper satellite data and rain gauges needed to be in place to predict and monitor rainfall intensity and distribution accurately. This combination of factors led to community stakeholders and the government utilizing various flood mitigation techniques to mitigate the effects of future flood events as best as possible.

The project progress was initially slow but gained momentum after the establishment of the Metro Flood Diversion Authority (MFDA). The MFDA brought together representatives from Fargo, Moorhead, and surrounding municipalities to coordinate efforts for flood mitigation and resilience. This unified approach ensured that diverse stakeholders worked together towards common goals, streamlining decision-making processes and enhancing overall project effectiveness. By establishing the MFDA, stakeholders from different political and administrative entities could align their efforts, resources, and priorities to address shared flood risks comprehensively.

Discussion Questions

1.) How does the metro flood diversion project reflect broader trends in urban planning and infrastructure development, particularly in the context of climate change adaptation and mitigation strategies?

2.) What is the role of government agencies and stakeholders in planning and executing the metro flood diversion project?

3.) What are the potential controversies surrounding the metro flood diversion project? Discuss concerns about property rights, environmental justice, and alternative flood mitigation approaches.

4.) What are the potential ethical concerns related to the metro flood diversion project, and why are they of concern? Are there competing societal interests in resource allocation and decision-making processes?

5.) North Dakota and Minnesota have been able to work together on this project to reach a common goal. Do you think Maryland and Virginia could ever do the same pertaining to bridges connecting the two states over the Potomac River?

Viet Cong Tunnel Network

This casebook is a case study on The Viet Cong Tunnels by Kheira Bekkadja, Chloe Duncan, and Camille Fulton as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-005 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Spring 2024 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Transportation Systems Casebook. Under the instruction of Prof. Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

The Viet Cong Tunnels were created by Viet Minh soldiers trying to escape the French Colonization and expanded by Viet Cong soldiers in an attempt to better combat American soldiers during the Vietnam War. These tunnels were used to ambush and transport for the Viet Cong army. It is now a memorial in Ho Chi Minh City to the Vietnam War. Tunnels were dug mostly by hand. Americans tended to bomb from planes, so the Viet Cong went underground. These tunnels were extremely small, often only a few feet wide, and often dropped off or angled violently without warning. They were fortified to resist blasts from above, meaning it was difficult to destroy these tunnels, and the army within would survive the bombs. These tunnels contained hospitals, sleeping areas, and kitchens. There was even a tank found within these tunnels.

A United States Marine exploring the inside of a Viet Cong Tunnel network.

Notable Actors

French Indochina: Former French colonial territories in Southeast Asia. Established in 19th century Vietnam and later disestablished in 1954.

Viet Minh: An anti-colonial political group formed from the Indochinese Communist Party. Mainly comprised of North Vietnamese citizens and active during French colonial occupation.

Viet Cong: The primary militaristic force of North Vietnam during the Vietnam War. Responsible for the construction and planning of Viet Cong Tunnel Networks.

The United States Marine Corps: Responsible for Operation Cedar Falls and the partial deconstruction of Viet Cong Tunnel networks inside the Iron Triangle.

Timeline of Events

Late 1940s: An early, rudimentary network of tunnels was formed during the First Indochina War, a war for independence fought between colonial France and Vietnam.

Example of Viet Cong Tunnel Network.

August 1954: Operation Passage to Freedom benchmarks a display of the United States’ opposition to rising communist ideas in Vietnam. This is not the first action taken by the United States to show opposition, but it did further the divide between the two nations and strengthened support for the Viet Cong.

Early 1960s: Increasing support for a communist Vietnam amid new independence provides aid in expanding the tunnel network.

January 1966-1969: Operation Cedar Falls begins carpet bombing by the United States military rendering tunnels unusable. “ [United States] Army Engineers explored, plotted, and destroyed over 10,900 yards of Viet Cong tunnels and tunnel complexes in the "Iron Triangle" of South Vietnam.”

Map of Operation Cedar Falls.

Early 1968: Viet Cong forces reinfiltrated tunnels and prepared for the Tet Offensive.

1975: Tunnels are memorialized by the Vietnamese government and preserved within a memorial park network.

November 1994: Tunnels open to the public as a tourist attraction.

Funding and Financing

The Viet Cong tunnels are a unique piece of infrastructure as most of these tunnels did not require funding or financing. They were made entirely by hand by people who volunteered or were forced to dig the tunnels to assist the Viet Cong. This means that there were no funds allocated in a traditional sense, as all of the funding came from those who supported the Viet Cong and wanted to help dig the tunnels or were forced into digging the tunnels. This was free labor, the Viet Cong was able to make this huge network of tunnels without actually having to pay someone. The tunnels did not need much funding, as they were made simply by people digging through the dirt. While there were booby traps and other things to stop intruders, these were homemade and also did not require funding. The tools used to dig these tunnels had been acquired due to the pilfering of battle sites, meaning that these tools were not purchased or funded.

Institutional Arrangements

• The Viet Minh: an anti-colonial political group formed from the Indochinese Communist Party.
• The Viet Cong

Narrative of the Case

The Viet Cong tunnels were created as a way to think outside the box when it came to war strategies. The Viet Cong knew that the army they were fighting against was not used to the terrain and thick jungle around them, so they created these tunnels as a way to better ambush the troops they were fighting against. This allowed the Viet Cong to have the element of surprise on their side and gave them an advantage as they could quickly escape without being noticed due to the fact they were traveling underground.This proved challenging for the US army, as these tunnels gave their enemy an advantage. The US army attempted to destroy these tunnels many times, often unsuccessfully due to the dense nature of the soil in Vietnam, and eventually resorted to sending American troops into the tunnels to fight hand-to-hand with the Viet Cong soldiers they encountered.These tunnels were extremely confusing and no set of tunnels were the same, making it extremely difficult for the US army to gain any headway against the Viet Cong. However, the US army was able to persevere and find other ways to combat the Viet Cong despite the challenges they were faced with by using chemicals such as Agent Orange and strong explosive devices to fight the Viet Cong soldiers in the tunnels. The takeaways from this experience should be that warfare is never easy and that thinking out of the box is necessary for victory. The Viet Cong’s creative approach to warfare made them a formidable enemy, and the US Army’s flexible and adaptive approaches made them a good challenger to the Viet Cong’s ideas.

Policy Issues

The Viet Cong tunnels, also known as the Cu Chi tunnels, were an extensive network of underground tunnels used by the Viet Cong during the Vietnam War. These tunnels were crucial to the Viet Cong's guerrilla warfare tactics. In terms of infrastructure, the key policy issues included counterinsurgency- defined as any political or military action taken against the activities of guerrillas and military tactics.

These primitive constructions were incredibly important to the Viet Cong during the Vietnam war. The groundwork of the tunnels was laid by the Viet Minh while fighting France’s colonial control and was expanded upon by the Viet Cong. Inside, these tunnels stretched for miles and contained hospitals, ammunition and equipment stores, living areas, headquarters, and fighting positions.

The initial response of US officials upon encountering the Viet Cong tunnels was to employ a strategy reliant on sheer force to eradicate them. Operations such as Operation Crimp involved the deployment of thousands of troops to scour the jungles of Vietnam in search of these underground passages. Upon discovery, the tunnels were targeted for destruction through methods such as "crimping" with explosives or inundation with gas or water. However, it swiftly became apparent that these approaches were ineffective. In response to the overwhelming technological superiority of US and allied forces during the Vietnam Conflict, the Viet Cong devised a strategic policy centered on the development of an extensive network of subterranean tunnel complexes. These complexes, primarily concentrated in regions like Cu Chi but extending to the outskirts of Saigon, provided the Viet Cong with a tactical advantage, enabling them to launch ambushes against American forces before retreating into the safety of the tunnels. Over time, the tunnels evolved into sophisticated underground communities, featuring amenities such as armories, hospitals, mess halls, manufacturing centers, and storage facilities. Some tunnel systems extended for up to 40 miles, with the Cu Chi complex alone boasting an intricate network spanning 130 miles of passageways.

While the Viet Cong's extensive network of underground tunnels indeed posed challenges to US and allied forces, it was not solely a response to their technological advantage. Instead, it was a strategic adaptation born out of necessity in the face of overwhelming firepower. The tunnels, primarily concentrated around Cu Chi but extending to the outskirts of Saigon, were not only used for ambushes but also served as vital logistical hubs and shelters for Viet Cong fighters.

Reliance on tunnel warfare tied down significant resources and manpower for the Viet Cong. Constructing and maintaining such extensive tunnel networks required labor-intensive efforts and diverted resources away from other potentially more effective strategies. Additionally, the static nature of tunnel warfare limited the Viet Cong's ability to conduct large-scale offensives and seize and hold territory.

Takeaways

The Viet Cong tunnel infrastructure primarily pertains to the Vietnam War. The Vietnam War, which lasted from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s, saw extensive use of guerrilla tactics by the Viet Cong, including the construction and utilization of underground tunnel networks. The Vietnam War revealed that in the face of technologically superior adversaries, innovative and adaptable tactics can provide significant advantages to insurgent forces. The Viet Cong's utilization of an extensive underground tunnel network, meticulously constructed and strategically deployed, showcased the effectiveness of unconventional warfare methods.

Discussion Questions

1. Regarding infrastructure provision, which of the three transaction costs (coordination, information, strategic) were greatest for the Viet Cong Tunnels? How?
2. If a group has the resources and the need, should they pursue tunnel warfare as an effective military strategy?
3. Regarding infrastructure provision, which of the three types of transaction costs (coordination, information, strategic) were greatest for the Viet Cong tunnels?
4. How did the Viet Cong's ability to maintain and utilize their extensive tunnel infrastructure despite sustained bombing and ground operations highlight their resilience and commitment to their cause during the Vietnam War?
5. Considering the extensive network of tunnels utilized by the Viet Cong, what lessons can be drawn regarding the effectiveness of unconventional warfare tactics?

References

Long Bridge

This page is for a case study on the Long Bridge, created by Zhenxian Ji, Xintong Dai, and Dian Jing. It is part of the GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) class offered at George Mason University taught by Jonathon Gifford.

Summary

The Long Bridge Project is a major infrastructure initiative aimed at expanding rail capacity across the Potomac River between Arlington, Virginia, and Washington, D.C. The project involves constructing a new two-track railroad bridge adjacent to the existing Long Bridge, dating back to 1904. This will create a four-track rail corridor to alleviate severe congestion on the current two-track bridge operating at near full capacity.

The project has a long historical context, with previous bridges at this location serving various transportation modes like pedestrians, horses, carriages, and railroads since the early 19th century. The bridges played a strategic role during the Civil War. Over time, the current Long Bridge became devoted solely to railroad use.

Multiple government agencies at the federal and state levels are involved in this project through an institutional framework. Key players include the Federal Railroad Administration, District Department of Transportation, National Park Service, Army Corps of Engineers, Virginia agencies like the Department of Rail and Public Transportation, and railroad operators like CSX and VRE.

Major policy issues revolve around minimizing community impacts from construction like noise, traffic disruptions on roads/trails, and temporary closures on the Potomac River. Extensive public outreach and mitigation measures like timing restrictions are planned. Environmental considerations focus on tree protection by adjusting staging areas, using protective fencing/arborists, preventing invasive species, and revegetating disturbed areas.

Funding comes from federal programs like the Intercity Passenger Rail Grant matched with state funds, with Virginia recently securing $729 million. The project aims for completion around 2030 to transform rail operations along the Eastern Seaboard by separating passenger and freight traffic.

Map of Location

File:LongBridgeProjectStudyArea-180509.jpg

Long Bridge spans the Potomac River, connecting Washington, D.C., to Arlington, Virginia, in the United States.

Timeline

1809-1870: Pedestrians, horses, carriages, railroad

1808: Approval Granted

The Washington Bridge Company was authorized by regional commissioners and Congress in 1808 to shorten the distance of the nation's main mail route.

1809: Completion and Opening

The bridge was completed and opened to traffic on May 20, 1809. It was a wooden pile structure with two spans spanning 5,000 feet, including abutments. The bridge was 36 feet wide with a spacious roadway of 29 feet in the center. The remaining portions were pedestrian walkways protected from the central traffic by railings.

1814-1818: The Battle of Bladensburg Led to Bridge Burnt

After the Battle of Bladensburg on August 24, 1814, the American forces retreated to Virginia using the bridge and burnt its southern end. The next day, British forces, upon entering Washington City, burnt the northern end of the bridge. Fortunately, the bridge was restored by 1818.

1831-1835: Washout and Repair

On February 22, 1831, high water levels and ice washed away several bridge spans. The following year, the U.S. Congress allocated funds for the restoration of the bridge. It wasn't until October 30, 1835, that the bridge was fully repaired and reopened.

The Long Bridge in 1861 seen from the Virginia shore

1861: Civil War and Military Significance- Fort Jackson was constructed to guard the bridge

On May 25, 1861, federal troops occupied and controlled the bridge, along with Alexandria and its railways. Fort Jackson was constructed to guard the bridge, preventing espionage and incursions from the Confederate States.  

The outbreak of the Civil War and the secession of Virginia highlighted the military significance and strategic importance of the Long Bridge.

1864: Construction of the New Bridge- Railway Bridge

On July 23, a new and sturdier bridge, built by the Washington, Alexandria, and Georgetown Railroad Company, was completed.

1865: Bridge Span Breaks

On February 18, a U.S. military railway engine crossing the old bridge caused a bridge span to break due to its weight. Following this failure, the military deemed it easier and more crucial to occupy the new bridge and install railways on it rather than repairing the old bridge.

Consequently, railway traffic was diverted to the new bridge (Railway Bridge)

PS: Sometimes the two bridges, old and new, are collectively referred to as the Long Bridge and the Railway Bridge, or as two parts of a single "Long Bridge."

During the war, wounded Union soldiers were transported across the bridge to hospitals established throughout the city. The nearest one was the Armory Square Hospital, just a few blocks from the bridge, providing great convenience for treating the wounded.

1872–1904: Pedestrians, Horses, Vehicles, Railroad, Streetcars

1870: Flood

On October 1, a major flood struck, rendering the existing bridges irreparable as most of the embankments, wooden superstructures, and spans were washed away. The Baltimore and Potomac Railroad Company (B&P) opted to construct a replacement bridge.

The replacement bridge opened to traffic in May 1872 and was used for both vehicular and streetcar passage. The new bridge had lanes for vehicles and railways, standing 9 feet above the water surface, with sturdy abutments made of blue granite.

However, despite the adoption of new designs, the bridge still suffered damage from freshwater, hindering river traffic and lacking width to accommodate two railway tracks.

1881-1895: Ice Flows Cause Damage

In 1881, ice flows damaged the bridge, causing three spans of the bridge to be washed away. On February 7, 1895, the Evening Star reported that ice floes were blocking the Potomac near the wharf, held back by the Long Bridge, effectively acting as a dam and creating conditions that could lead to flooding.

1904–Present: Railroad Only

The 1904 Long Bridge (as modified in 1942)

1904: Construction of the New Railway Bridge

In 1899, the B&P Company urged Congress to authorize the replacement of the Long Bridge, built in 1872, to accommodate multiple carriers and address freshwater issues. In 1901, a congressional act authorized the construction.

The new Railway Bridge was a Pratt through-truss swing bridge, opened in 1904. It wasn't until the 1980s that this railway bridge began to be referred to again by the old "Long Bridge" name. The old Long Bridge was dismantled by the end of 1907.

2011-2019: Renovation

In 2011, the District Department of Transportation (DDOT) collaborated with the Federal Railroad Administration (FRA) to restore or replace the Long Bridge. They identified insufficient carrying capacity and redundancy of the bridge and carried out repairs in 2016.

In 2019, the DDOT and FRA reported the need for a second bridge to meet the growing demand for passenger rail. They also proposed building a third bridge to create a new bicycle/pedestrian crossing.  

Long Bridge, Washington DC, Aerial, Looking NE in 2022

2020-2030-future: Expansion Plans

The Long Bridge has historically been one of the most severe bottlenecks in the national railway system, often operating at 98% capacity. Environmental impact statements and FRA decision records were released on September 4, 2020. The approval cleared the way for the final engineering design, financing, and construction of the Long Bridge expansion.

Donald "DJ" Stadtler Jr., Executive Director of the Virginia Passenger Rail Authority, stated that the adequately funded Long Bridge expansion project is expected to be completed by 2030.

Funding and Financing

The latest funding comes from the Federal-State Partnership for Intercity Passenger Rail Grant Program, established under the bipartisan infrastructure law.  

By the end of 2023, Virginia announced that it had secured $729 million in federal funds to assist in covering the costs of expanding the Long Bridge over the Potomac River. The expansion funds are aimed at alleviating railroad congestion issues. Governor Glenn Youngkin stated, "This project enhances the resilience of our supply chain, improves freight movements to and from our world-class ports, and promotes the local economy." The funding will not only construct a new Long Bridge but also extend a third track along the railway corridor. The additional track will further allow the separation of freight and passenger rail services.

The Federal-State Partnership for Intercity Passenger Rail Grant Program:

This is a funding initiative managed by the Federal Railroad Administration (FRA) of the U.S. Department of Transportation. It was established under the Fixing America's Surface Transportation (FAST) Act of 2015 to provide funding for capital projects for intercity passenger rail.

The program provides matching federal funds, covering up to 80% of project costs, with the remaining 20% required from non-federal sources. Both Amtrak and individual states are eligible to apply for these competitive grants to invest in their intercity passenger rail services and infrastructure.

The 80/20 rule

This 20% non-federal share can come from several channels:

1. Contributions from state and local governments

2. Investments from private investors or companies

3. Funds from railway operators (such as Amtrak)

4. Other public or private funding sources from non-federal governments

This funding model aims to encourage active participation from state governments, local governments, private enterprises, and other stakeholders in investing in the modernization of local railway infrastructure and upgrading intercity passenger rail services. Grant funds can be used for projects such as laying new tracks, improving grade crossings, purchasing new trains and locomotives, station enhancements, and implementing positive train control.

The 80/20 cost-sharing mechanism not only avoids complete reliance on federal funding but also provides crucial financial support from localities, aimed at expediting project progress and effectively integrating resources from all parties. By sharing costs and risks among multiple stakeholders, it enhances the efficiency of fund utilization and better drives the modernization of intercity passenger rail services.

Institutional Arrangements

Federal Railroad Administration (FRA): The FRA, in partnership with the District Department of Transportation (DDOT), prepared the DEIS, demonstrating compliance with the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA) among other regulations. The FRA is responsible for ensuring that the project adheres to federal environmental laws and regulations.

District Department of Transportation (DDOT): As the joint lead with FRA, DDOT has played a crucial role in the development and compliance of the project with environmental and transportation regulations. It acts as a co-sponsor and has been pivotal in managing and guiding the project through its phases.

Cooperating and Participating Agencies

Several agencies have been identified as cooperating with the project, providing jurisdictional authority or special expertise:

National Park Service (NPS): With jurisdiction over Federal Park property in the project area, NPS's decisions are critical to the project's compliance with environmental policies and practices.

National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC): As the federal government's central planning agency for the National Capital Region, NCPC has significant influence over federal projects within the district, including land transfers and alterations to federal property.

United States Coast Guard (USCG): Responsible for permitting bridge projects over navigable waterways, the USCG's role is crucial for any modifications or constructions affecting the Potomac River.

United States Army Corps of Engineers (USACE): With responsibility for impacts to rivers, streams, and wetlands, the USACE's permitting process is essential for the project's adherence to the Rivers and Harbors Act and the Clean Water Act.

Federal Transit Administration (FTA): Providing expertise on public transportation and potentially a source of funding, the FTA's involvement underscores the importance of integrating the Long Bridge Project with the broader transit system.

Virginia Department of Rail and Public Transportation (DRPT): As the state agency overseeing rail and transit planning in Virginia, DRPT contributes funding and will be the project sponsor for the final design and construction phases.

Virginia Railway Express (VRE): As a commuter railroad agency operating on the existing bridge and a contributor to the project, VRE's involvement is key to ensuring that the project meets the needs of commuter rail services.

Narrative of the Case

Early History and Evolution

The Long Bridge has served as a vital connection between Arlington, Virginia, and Washington, D.C., across the Potomac River since the early 19th century. Originally constructed to facilitate foot, horse, and stagecoach traffic, it has undergone several reconstructions to accommodate the growing transportation needs of the region. Notably, during the Civil War, the bridge's strategic importance was underscored as it witnessed significant military movements and underwent modifications to support rail traffic, signaling the bridge's evolving role in the region's transportation infrastructure.

Long Bridge Back to 1809

The 20th Century Developments

The current Long Bridge was constructed in 1904, becoming the only railroad crossing over the Potomac River between the District and Virginia. Owned and operated by CSX Transportation (CSXT), it serves freight, Virginia Railway Express （VRE）for weekday commuting; and Amtrak for intercity passengers. Throughout the 20th century, the bridge underwent further modifications to address the challenges posed by floods and to support the increasing rail and vehicular traffic. A notable period of transition was marked by the rivalry between the B&O Railroad and The Pennsylvania Railroad, with the latter eventually gaining control and making significant upgrades to the bridge to handle the burgeoning traffic flow. This era also saw the construction of new bridge structures to replace the outdated ones, reflecting the ongoing efforts to modernize the transportation network in response to the capital city's growing demands.

Addressing Contemporary Challenges

In 2013, there were 79 daily trains using the Long Bridge. The freight use is approximately 30 percent of that traffic or 23 trains, and the passenger and commuter rail make up approximately 70 percent or 56 trains.  The current Long Bridge Project aims to dramatically increase rail capacity over the Potomac River by constructing a new, two-track railroad bridge adjacent to the existing structure, thereby creating a four-track corridor. This project, spearheaded by the Virginia Passenger Rail Authority, is a critical step towards alleviating the congestion that has plagued the existing two-track bridge, which is operating at nearly full capacity. The project not only focuses on expanding rail traffic capacity but also includes the construction of pedestrian bridges to enhance connectivity and accessibility, reflecting a comprehensive approach to transportation infrastructure development in the region.

Policy Issues

Traffic And Community Impacts During Construction:

The Long Bridge Project, spearheaded by the Virginia Passenger Rail Authority (VPRA), presents a multifaceted policy challenge revolving around minimizing community disruptions while undertaking a crucial infrastructure endeavor. This endeavor aims to augment rail capacity and alleviate congestion between Arlington, Virginia, and Washington, D.C., ultimately enhancing regional connectivity and mobility. However, the construction process necessitates a delicate balancing act between project expediency and mitigating adverse impacts on the surrounding communities.

A paramount policy issue lies in addressing noise pollution emanating from construction activities. The project team has committed to adhering to local ordinances that restrict excessively loud operations to daylight hours. Nonetheless, certain circumstances may warrant the acquisition of waivers to conduct limited night work, underscoring the need for a pragmatic approach that weighs project progress against potential disturbances.

Another critical policy consideration involves minimizing disruptions to transportation networks and ensuring the seamless flow of vehicular, pedestrian, and cyclist traffic. The construction of bridges over major arteries, such as I-395, Maine Avenue SW, the George Washington Memorial Parkway, and the Mount Vernon Trail, will necessitate temporary lane shifts, shoulder closures, and occasional brief full roadway closures. These measures, while unavoidable, will be meticulously planned and executed during off-peak and overnight hours, coupled with extensive public notification to minimize inconvenience.

Last but not least, the project team must address potential impacts on maritime navigation along the Potomac River. While temporary channel closures or detours are unavoidable during construction, the project's policy approach prioritizes adherence to U.S. Coast Guard regulations and the implementation of mitigation strategies, such as utilizing flaggers or designating auxiliary channels. Maintaining open lines of communication with mariners through various channels, including weekly notices and media outlets, is crucial to ensuring their safety and minimizing disruptions, particularly during peak river traffic periods.

Underpinning these policy considerations is VPRA's commitment to proactive community engagement and transparent communication. The authority has devised a comprehensive outreach strategy, leveraging various platforms, including flyers, social media, email alerts, newsletters, news stories, and pop-up events, to keep stakeholders informed about project-related impacts and mitigation measures.

Environmental Considerations Regarding Tree Protection:

FRA and DDOT have exerted efforts to mitigate impacts on natural resources, particularly terrestrial vegetation, throughout the Project Development process. This has involved minimizing the Project's footprint as much as possible, considering existing infrastructure and constraints from landowners. One notable action taken was the removal of a culvert extension at Roaches Run, which was initially part of earlier draft plans. DRPT intends to persist in these efforts to minimize impacts on terrestrial vegetation as the Project progresses into subsequent phases, refining design, and construction details. Proposed measures for mitigation include:

Adjusting temporary access and staging areas during the final design phase to avoid disturbing trees and vegetation, ensuring that vehicles and materials are stored on vegetated surfaces only when necessary. Mandating the implementation of tree protection measures and measures to limit equipment access to adjacent forested areas through the use of protective fencing, overseen by a licensed arborist or other qualified professional approved by NPS. The arborist would also conduct necessary pruning to maximize tree survival during and after bridge construction, adhering to all NPS regulations, including timing restrictions.

Requiring equipment washing before entering NPS lands to minimize the spread or introduction of invasive species. Ensuring that all introduced organic material, such as soil, mulch, and seed, is certified weed-free to prevent the spread or introduction of invasive species. Installing fencing, mulch, and planking to minimize injury and compaction when vegetated surfaces are the only viable option for staging near the Project. Reestablishing terrestrial vegetation removed for both permanent and temporary construction activities where feasible and in coordination with any reforestation requirements. Restoring areas to their pre-construction condition and appearance after construction completion, either through reseeding or replanting woody vegetation using native species.

Key Lessons and Takeaways

1. Bridge construction needs to keep pace with the times to meet constantly changing transportation demands (pedestrians, horses, vehicles, railroads, streetcars).

2. Bridges have significant strategic value during wartime. During the Civil War, long bridges were used for military mobilization and became critical military strongholds.

3. Cooperation between the government and private enterprises is crucial for advancing large-scale infrastructure projects. The long bridge project involves federal, state, and local government agencies, as well as railway companies.

4. Mitigating the impact on communities during construction is a major policy consideration. Comprehensive mitigation measures need to be implemented, such as noise control, traffic maintenance, and protection of maritime activities, while enhancing communication with the public.

5. Environmental impact assessments and mitigation measures are indispensable. The project team has taken a series of measures to minimize impacts on vegetation and ecosystems, such as adjusting construction areas, protecting trees, and restoring vegetation.

6. Funding sources for infrastructure investment can be diversified. The project has received federal funding, as well as state government and private investments. Rational cost-sharing can accelerate project progress.

7. Large-scale projects require clear institutional arrangements and division of responsibilities. The project involves multiple federal, state, and local agencies, each with clear roles and responsibilities to ensure legal compliance.

Discussion Questions

1. How can the Long Bridge Project effectively balance the need for infrastructure improvements while minimizing disruptions to local communities and the environment?
2. How are the military and transportation values of a long bridge reflected in scenarios such as civil war, repelling invasions, defense against floods and ice flows, and alleviating pressure on modernized railways?
3. How does the 80/20 cost-sharing mechanism in the Federal-State Partnership ensure adequate and reliable funding for long bridge projects, and do you think the massive federal funding is a positive or negative development?
4. What challenges and opportunities does the Long Bridge Project present for the future of transportation infrastructure in the Washington, D.C., and Arlington, VA, areas?
5. How is technological innovation being integrated into the design and construction of the Long Bridge to ensure its longevity and adaptability?
6. What specific strategies or platforms could be employed to ensure inclusive and effective communication with diverse stakeholder groups, including residents, businesses, and commuters?

PJM Interconnection

Summary

The PJM Interconnection is a regional transmission organization (RTO), overseeing the operation of the power grid and wholesale electricity markets across the Mid-Atlantic and Midwest regions of the United States. Although it initially served the Pennsylvania-New Jersey-Maryland region, earning PJM its name, it provides energy to 13 states today. It falls under the purview of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC), an independent regulatory agency under the Department of Energy. PJM stands as one of the largest and most intricate grid operators in North America.

Here's an overview of PJM:  

Origins and Development: PJM can be traced back to its inception in the 1920s as the Pennsylvania-New Jersey Interconnection (PNI), established to coordinate power transmission among utilities in these states. Over time, it expanded its scope to include utilities from additional states, eventually evolving into the PJM Interconnection in the 1980s.

Independent System Operator (ISO): PJM attained the distinction of being the first ISO in the United States in 1997, thereby segregating grid operation and management from generation ownership. This approach fosters competition and efficiency within the wholesale electricity markets.  

Wholesale Electricity Markets: PJM administers the world's largest wholesale electricity market, facilitating the trade of electricity among generators, transmission owners, and various market participants. These markets ensure the dependable and cost-effective provision of electricity to consumers.

Grid Administration: PJM oversees the management of the high-voltage transmission grid, guaranteeing the dependable and efficient transmission of electricity to millions of consumers within its jurisdiction. It coordinates transmission planning, maintenance, and operations to uphold grid reliability and stability.

Integration of Renewable Energy: PJM has taken a pioneering role in incorporating renewable energy sources like wind and solar into its grid. It has implemented market regulations and operational protocols to accommodate the intermittent nature of renewable generation while safeguarding grid reliability.

Challenges and Endeavors: PJM confronts a range of challenges, including evolving energy policies, technological advancements, and shifting market dynamics. It remains committed to addressing these challenges through initiatives such as market reforms, grid modernization efforts, and resilience planning.

In essence, PJM assumes a pivotal role in ensuring the dependable and efficient operation of the electric grid across a vast and diverse region. It facilitates competitive electricity markets while actively promoting the integration of clean and renewable energy resources.

Timeline

1927: The Federal Power Commission (FPC) authorized the formation of the Pennsylvania-New Jersey Interconnection (PNI), which later became PJM Interconnection.

1947: The PNI is officially formed as a voluntary association of Pennsylvania and New Jersey utilities to coordinate planning and operations.

1960s-1970s: The PNI expands its membership to include utilities from additional states, becoming the Pennsylvania-New Jersey-Maryland Interconnection (PJMI).

1980s: PJMI continues to grow, encompassing utilities from Delaware and the District of Columbia, and changes its name to PJM Interconnection.

1997: PJM becomes the first independent system operator (ISO) in the United States, separating grid operation and management from generation ownership.

2000s: PJM implements various market reforms and introduces competitive wholesale electricity markets to promote efficiency and reliability.

2001: FERC designates PJM as an RTO.  

2002: PJM becomes the first fully functioning RTO in the United States.

2005: PJM launches the world's largest wholesale electricity market, encompassing a large portion of the eastern United States.

2010s: PJM continues to expand its footprint and enhance its grid management capabilities, integrating renewable energy resources and improving grid resilience.

2018: PJM initiates a stakeholder process to address challenges related to state-subsidized resources and their impact on competitive markets.

2020s: PJM faces ongoing challenges related to evolving energy policies, technological advancements, and changing market dynamics while striving to maintain grid reliability and affordability.

2024: PJM implements new market rules and operational procedures to address emerging challenges and ensure the efficient operation of the grid.

Funding and Financing

Understanding PJM Interconnection, one of the largest power grid operators in the United States, necessitates an examination of its distinct organizational structure, revenue sources, and financial systems. PJM maintains a wholesale power market that serves portions of 13 states and the District of Columbia, managing the transportation of wholesale electricity in its region.

Membership Dues: PJM is a membership-based organization whose principal source of revenue is its member utilities. These utilities pay membership fees based on their peak load and market participation. These dues support operating expenses such as system maintenance, market operations, and administrative charges.

Market Revenue: PJM runs a variety of wholesale electricity markets, including energy, capacity, and related services. It generates revenue from market players such as power generators and suppliers by charging market fees, transaction charges, and penalties. These revenues significantly contribute to PJM's financial sustainability by funding operations and grid infrastructure investments.

Transmission finances: PJM derives money from its transmission services. It charges transmission prices to customers of its transmission system, which includes generators, utilities, and other market players. The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) regulates these tariffs, which are dependent on criteria such as transmission capacity utilization.

Grants and Federal Funding: PJM may be awarded grants and federal funds for specific initiatives aimed at improving grid dependability, resilience, and modernization. For example, federal entities such as the Department of Energy (DOE) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) may fund cybersecurity projects or grid enhancements. However, such funding typically accounts for a lesser fraction of PJM's total revenue than membership dues and market revenues.

Debt Financing: Similar to many large infrastructure corporations, PJM may use debt financing to fund capital investments in grid expansion, maintenance, and technology improvements. This could include issuing bonds or obtaining loans from financial organizations. Debt financing enables PJM to stretch the expense of big expenditures over time while using its steady revenue streams to fulfill debt commitments.

Investment Income: PJM may generate income by investing its financial reserves in interest-bearing instruments such as bonds, money market funds, or other low-risk assets. This investment income increases financial freedom and can augment incomes from other sources.

Institutional Arrangement - Oversight and Maintenance

Institutional Arrangements:

Regional Transmission Organization (RTO): PJM is an RTO that acts as an independent entity in charge of coordinating the functioning of the transmission grid and wholesale electricity markets within its jurisdiction. As an RTO, PJM is subject to a set of rules, protocols, and governance structures that assure fair and efficient market operations.

Stakeholder Governance: PJM's decision-making process includes input from a diverse group of stakeholders, including utilities, generators, consumers, and state regulators. This stakeholder governance model guarantees that multiple perspectives are taken into account when developing rules, laws, and market designs.

Regulatory Oversight: PJM is overseen by several regulatory organizations, including the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and state public utility commissioners. These regulatory bodies assess and approve PJM's tariffs, market rules, and other critical parts of its operations to ensure regulatory compliance and market efficiency.

Oversight:

Regulatory Oversight: The FERC and state PUCs monitor PJM's operations to maintain regulatory compliance and defend the interests of consumers and market participants. The FERC oversees wholesale electricity markets, while state PUCs are in charge of retail power markets and consumer protection.

Market Monitoring: The PJM has a market monitoring feature that detects and mitigates market manipulation, anticompetitive activity, and other inefficiencies. Market monitoring ensures the integrity and competitiveness of wholesale power markets within the PJM footprint.

Impartial Market Monitor (IMM): The PJM employs an Independent Market Monitor (IMM), who serves as an impartial watchdog over market operations and participant behavior. The IMM presents its findings and suggestions to PJM's stakeholders, FERC, and state regulatory bodies.

Maintenance:

system Operations: PJM is in charge of the transmission system's day-to-day operations, which include grid reliability monitoring, grid congestion management, and grid repair coordination. PJM's grid operators guarantee that the electric system operates reliably and securely, responding to real-time changes in supply and demand.

Infrastructure Investments: PJM is in charge of overseeing grid infrastructure investments that aim to maintain and improve the reliability and resilience of the transmission system. These expenditures include modifications to transmission lines, substations, and other grid infrastructure to handle shifts in power demand and generation patterns.

Market Design and Rules: PJM constantly examines and modifies its market design and rules to reflect changing market conditions, technology improvements, and regulatory needs. This constant maintenance ensures that the PJM wholesale power markets are efficient, competitive, and resilient to interruptions.

In summary, the PJM Interconnection's institutional arrangements, oversight mechanisms, and maintenance practices are intended to ensure the consistent operation of the electric grid and wholesale electricity markets, promote market efficiency, and protect the interests of consumers and market participants.

Narrative of the Case

The PJM Interconnection case is multidimensional, with a focus on its establishment, operational processes, and regulatory monitoring. PJM, which began as the Pennsylvania-New Jersey Interconnection (PNI) in the early twentieth century, has grown into a critical regional transmission organization (RTO) that manages the power grid and wholesale electricity markets in 13 states across the Mid-Atlantic and Midwest regions of the United States.

At its core, PJM operates as an independent company separate from generator ownership, to ensure the transmission grid's reliability and promote competitive wholesale energy markets. Its construction required a joint effort among participating utilities, first from Pennsylvania and New Jersey, with government grants and loans, ratepayer payments, and corporate investments.

Institutional systems at PJM include stakeholder governance, regulatory oversight, and market monitoring measures. Stakeholders, such as utilities, generators, consumers, and state regulators, actively participate in decision-making processes, ensuring that varied perspectives are taken into account when developing rules and operating markets. The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and state public utility commissions (PUCs) regulate PJM's operations to protect market integrity and consumer interests.

The oversight of PJM includes day-to-day grid operations, infrastructure investments, and market design. Grid operators at PJM maintain grid stability, control congestion, and coordinate repair efforts to protect the electric system's security. Infrastructure investments are made to improve transmission assets and adapt to changing electricity demand and generating trends. Market designs and rules are constantly examined and revised to reflect changing market situations, technical improvements, and regulatory constraints.

PJM's market monitoring role, as well as the presence of an Independent Market Monitor (IMM), are critical to its operating efficiency. The IMM acts as a watchdog, detecting and reducing market manipulation and anticompetitive behavior while fostering market competitiveness and transparency.

Overall, the PJM Interconnection case demonstrates the value of collaborative governance, effective regulatory oversight, and proactive maintenance in ensuring the electric grid's reliability and promoting competitive wholesale electricity markets across a large and diverse region.

Key Issues

Several key issues affect the PJM Interconnection, ranging from operational challenges to regulatory and market-related concerns. Here are some of the key issues:

Capacity Market Reforms: The PJM capacity market, which assures there is enough generation capacity to satisfy future energy demand, has encountered considerable obstacles. Oversupply, subsidized resources distorting market prices, and FERC rulings on capacity market rules have all driven PJM to propose capacity market design improvements to retain dependability while addressing market distortion.

State Policies and Subsidized Resources: State policies, such as renewable energy mandates and clean energy subsidies, have resulted in an influx of subsidized resources into the PJM market. This influx may affect market prices and reduce the competitiveness of established generators, raising worries about market efficiency and reliability.

Grid Resilience and dependability: PJM has problems in ensuring grid resilience and dependability in the face of catastrophic weather events, cyber threats, and aging infrastructure. It is critical to ensure the grid can tolerate disturbances and recover promptly to provide consumers with a stable electricity supply.

Transmission Planning and Expansion: As the energy landscape changes with the incorporation of renewable energy resources, PJM must make significant transmission planning and expansion efforts to accommodate the altering generating mix. Identifying and investing in vital transmission infrastructure is critical for ensuring the consistent and efficient distribution of electricity across the PJM footprint.

Market Monitoring and Enforcement: PJM's market monitoring and enforcement processes are crucial to maintaining market integrity and competitiveness. Nonetheless, worries regarding market manipulation, anticompetitive activity, and enforcement efficacy remain. Improving market monitoring and enforcement procedures is critical for ensuring fair and transparent wholesale electricity markets.

Grid Modernization and Technological Integration: PJM must address the problems and opportunities that come with grid modernization and technological integration. Adopting innovative technology, such as sophisticated grid analytics, energy storage, and distributed energy resources, can improve grid flexibility, efficiency, and resilience. However, incorporating these technologies into PJM's operations necessitates overcoming regulatory, technical, and market challenges.

Environmental and Climate issues: PJM is under increasing pressure to incorporate environmental and climate issues into its operations and market design. Transitioning to greener energy sources, lowering greenhouse gas emissions, and promoting energy efficiency are critical for mitigating climate change and reaching sustainability targets. Balancing environmental aims with grid dependability, affordability, and market competitiveness is a major problem for PJM.

Discussion Questions

1. How does the PJM Interconnection contribute to ensuring grid reliability and resilience across its 13-state footprint?
2. What are the key challenges and opportunities associated with integrating renewable energy resources into PJM's grid?
3. How do state policies and subsidies for clean energy resources impact PJM's wholesale electricity markets and grid operations?
4. What role does PJM play in promoting market competitiveness and ensuring fair market outcomes for all participants?
5. How does PJM address concerns relate to capacity market reforms and the potential impact on reliability and market efficiency?
6. What strategies can PJM adopt to enhance grid modernization efforts and integrate advanced technologies for improved grid flexibility and efficiency?
7. How does PJM collaborate with stakeholders, including utilities, regulators, and consumers, to address key issues and shape the future of the electric grid?
8. What are the implications of evolving energy policies, technological advancements, and climate considerations for PJM's operations and market design?
9. How does PJM balance environmental objectives, such as reducing greenhouse gas emissions, with maintaining grid reliability and affordability?
10. What lessons can other regional transmission organizations and grid operators learn from PJM's experiences and best practices?

Citations

https://www.pjm.com/about-pjm/who-we-are

https://www.pjm.com/about-pjm

https://pjm.com/about-pjm/who-we-are/territory-served

https://www.ferc.gov/industries-data/electric/electric-power-markets/pjm

https://www.utilitydive.com/news/pjm-private-equity-power-pants-gas-ieefa/697129/

https://www.pjm.com/-/media/committees-groups/committees/fc/2023/20231214/20231214-item-03b---3q2023-pjm-unaudited-financial-statements.ashx

Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC), "Wholesale Electricity Market Participation Agreement", https://www.ferc.gov/wholesale-electricity-markets/participation-agreement

U.S. Department of Energy (DOE), "Grid Modernization Initiative", https://www.energy.gov/oe/grid-modernization-initiative

U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS), "Critical Infrastructure Security and Resilience", https://www.dhs.gov/topic/critical-infrastructure-security-and-resilience

Mississippi River Locks and Dams

This page is for a case study on the Mississippi River Locks and Dams created by Kayla Byrd, Eric Johnson, and Gabby Wade. It is part of the GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) class offered at George Mason University taught by Jonathon Gifford.

Summary

The Mississippi River Locks and Dams system is an integral part of United States Waterway Transportation that allows a manageable navigational channel. There are twenty-nine locks and dams spanning roughly 2,300 miles from Minnesota to Louisiana, serving various functions like navigation, flood control, and hydroelectric power generation.

A lock, concerning waterway infrastructure, is a structure that allows maritime transportation to easily navigate along a river, despite differing water levels. When a boat or ship is needed to travel a waterway with higher elevation, it enters a passageway that entraps the watercraft. Water is then either added or removed from the passage to allow the vessel to either rise or fall to the needed elevation.

In order to provide a barrier to the active flow of water, contractors build a waterway structure called a dam. As aforementioned, the barricade can assist in blocking the flow of water to create a consistent water level, improving navigation for water vessels. Dams can be used in a multitude of functions, such as water supply, water storage, and can be used as a form of flood control.

Locks and Dams infrastructure plays a significant role in facilitating commerce, protecting downstream communities from floods, and supporting energy production and recreational activities.

Map of Locations

Map of Locks and Dams on Mississippi River

Timeline

• 1869: The US Army Core of Engineers had control of the Mississippi River called the Headwater Dams, a series of 6 dams that controls the flow of the river.
• 1880: Funding from Congress approved to build three new dams.
• 1881-1912: Headwater Dams were constructed
  • 1881: Lake Winnibigoshish located in Itasca County, Minnesota. Finished in 1884.
  • 1882: Leech Lake located in Cass County, Minnesota. Finished in 1884.
  • 1882: Pokegma Falls located in Itasca County, Minnesota. Finished in 1885.
  • 1884: Pine River dam located in Crow Wing County, Minnesota. Finished in 1886
  • 1892: Sandy Lake Dam located near McGregor, Minnesota. Finished in 1895
  • 1912: Gull Lake Dam located in Crow Wing County, Minnesota. Finished in 1912
• 1930: Funding for the 9-foot channel was approved by Congress under the River and Harbors Act

Key Actors and Institutions

Key Actors and Institutions involved with the development and maintenance of Mississippi River Locks and Dams include:

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers:

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) is a federal agency operating within the Department of Defense (DOD). The USACE was established as a permanent branch in 1802, later becoming an agency that directly oversees environmental preservation and restoration. Their primary role is to supervise the construction and maintenance of the Mississippi River's twenty-five Locks and Dams. This authority was authorized by The River and Harbors Act, enacted in 1899, which places responsibility on the USACE to protect the Mississippi River infrastructure in the midst of renovation or development.

Mississippi River Commission (MRC):

The Mississippi River Commission, established in 1879, is a federal agency and division of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. This branch serves in an analyst position, directly analyzing the management and water resources within the Mississippi River Waterways. They serve as advisors to the USACE, Congress, and the Military, reporting on potential modifications that must be made based on their ongoing analysis of the watershed. The MRC is responsible for the advancement of the Mississippi River and Tributaries Project, which was authorized in 1928 after the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927, which was the most devastating flood of its time. In order to combat the risk of unprecedented floods, a public works system was created that would reduce flood risk and provide more efficient navigation.

The MR&T Project has four main infrastructure developments:

- Levees and Dams

-Tributary Basin Improvements

-Channel Refinement

-Floodways.

Navigation Industry and Stakeholders:

The Maritime Industry is a key actor in regards to the Mississippi River Locks and Dams as they have significant financial stakes and interests in the waterways. The Mississippi River waterway is a vital source of efficient movements of freight. The American Waterways Operators (AWO), founded and organized in 1944, is a main advocacy association on behalf of United States carriers and exporters. Water transportation plays a significant role in the establishment of United States commerce, providing an estimated $100 billion in financial output.

Environmental Agencies and NGOs:

Environmental agencies, such as the Environmental Protection Agency, have a key role in ensuring developments and suspensions of Mississippi River Infrastructure comply with environmental regulations and principles. The EPA has direct access to Congress and reports on the Restoration of the Mississippi River Waterway while contributing to the development of restoration strategies and programs. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), specifically focused on environmental preservation, also advocate and assess waterway projects to ensure those involved in the task are complying with environmental standards.

Funding and Financing

The funding for the maintenance and operation of locks and dams on the Mississippi River is primarily paid for by the federal government of the United States. These critical infrastructure components are under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, which oversees their upkeep and functionality. The financial resources required for the construction, ongoing maintenance, and daily operations of these locks and dams are derived from the federal budget.

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers is entrusted with the responsibility of managing and preserving the locks and dams along the Mississippi River to facilitate navigation, flood control, and related purposes. The funding necessary to execute these tasks is allocated through federal appropriations, which encompass expenses such as the repair and replacement of aging infrastructure, dredging activities, and overall maintenance efforts.

In addition to federal appropriations, a portion of the funding may be generated from user fees, including charges imposed on commercial shipping entities that make use of the locks and dams. These fees, while serving as a financial resource to defray some of the associated maintenance and operational expenses, often fall short of covering the entire cost of these endeavors. It is noteworthy that the commercial traffic along the Mississippi River plays a smaller but substantial role in this funding scheme, contributing to the financial aspects of the inland waterway system.

From the information provided by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) a “Percent tariff system” is used to set the rates for the shipping traffic on the river. The U.S. The Inland Waterway System regulates the system by setting the rates for the shipping traffic. This system of regulating tariffs comes from the “Bulk Grain and Grain Products Freight Tariff No. 7”, which was created by the Waterways Freight Bureau (WFB). In an intriguing historical development, this tariff system's relevance underwent a transformation in 1976. At that juncture, an agreement between the United States Department of Justice and the ICC rendered Tariff No. 7 obsolete. The barge industry still uses these tariffs as a reference point for rate units even though the WFB has ceased to exist and the ICC has changed into the Surface Transportation Board, which is now governed by the US Department of Transportation. To determine barge freight rates today, a percentage of the 1976 benchmark tariff per ton serves as the foundational unit, as outlined by the United States Department of Agriculture.^[3] This system remains integral to the financial structure of the U.S. Inland Waterway System, bearing relevance to the overall funding framework.

The federal government plays a pivotal role in financing the construction, maintenance, and operation of locks and dams on the Mississippi River, ensuring their continued functionality for navigation, flood control, and related purposes.

Institutional Arrangements

Legal and Regulatory Frameworks:

The maintenance of the Mississippi River locks and dams is governed by a range of federal laws and regulations that ensure its continual prosperity and protection. The Rivers and Harbors Act of 1899, for example, is the oldest environmental law in the United States. It specifically addresses United States' waterways, making it unlawful to eject or dispense debris into navigable channels.

The Water Resources Development Act and the Inland Waterways Revenue Act, both under the authority of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, are used conjointly. The WRDA authorizes the study and construction of projects that can positively benefit the advancement of waterway infrastructure. The IWRA was established to finance and fund the development and improvement of national waterways. These laws outline the legal authority for the construction, operation, and maintenance of the infrastructure and establish the roles and responsibilities of various agencies.

Narrative of the Case

The First Lock and Dam:

In 1907 the First Lock and Dam added to the river was at Meeker Island (Originally known as Lock and Dam 2). Its main purpose was for it to be used to allow for easier travel from St. Paul up to Minneapolis. You can still visit it today at “Meeker Island Lock and Dam Historic Park” where it is a symbol of the economic rivalry of St. Paul with Minneapolis.

The 9-Foot Channel Project:

Early 20th Century: The need for a deeper and more reliable channel on the Mississippi River was recognized as early as the late 19th century. However, it was in the early 20th century that serious discussions and planning began for a project to deepen the river's channel to a consistent 9-foot depth.

1920s: The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers became actively involved in the planning and execution of the project. Detailed surveys and engineering studies were conducted to determine the feasibility and the potential economic benefits of deepening the channel.

1930s: The 9-Foot Channel Project gained traction during the Great Depression as a way to stimulate economic activity and create jobs. Construction work on the project commenced in various sections of the river.

World War II Era: The project's progress was temporarily interrupted during World War II when resources were diverted to support the war effort.

Post-World War II: After the war, the project resumed, and substantial resources were allocated to its completion. Dredging, construction of locks and dams, and other infrastructure improvements continued.

1950s-1960s: The project reached a significant milestone with the completion of Lock and Dam 26 in Alton, Illinois, in the 1950s. This lock and dam system helped maintain the desired 9-foot channel depth by regulating water flow.

1970s-1980s: The project continued to progress, with further improvements and maintenance efforts along the Mississippi River to keep the channel at the desired depth. Environmental considerations and conservation efforts also gained importance during this period.

1990s-Present: The 9-Foot Channel Project remains an ongoing effort. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and other agencies continue to dredge and maintain the channel, repair and upgrade locks and dams, and address environmental concerns such as habitat preservation and water quality.

21st Century: The project has evolved to incorporate modern navigation technologies and environmental sustainability practices. It plays a crucial role in supporting commerce, transportation, and agriculture in the Mississippi River Basin.

Modern State of Project:

The Mississippi River continues to occupy a pivotal role in trade and commerce within the United States. As a major transportation artery, it facilitates the movement of a wide array of goods, including agricultural products, petroleum, chemicals, and manufactured goods. The river boasts a network of essential ports, with prominent hubs in cities like New Orleans, Baton Rouge, St. Louis, and Memphis, serving as critical nodes for both domestic and international trade. Notably, barge traffic remains a cost-effective and highly efficient method for transporting bulk commodities, and the river's infrastructure, mainly featuring the locks and dams, plays a crucial role in supporting this trade network.

Over the years, substantial improvements and ongoing maintenance efforts have been dedicated to the Mississippi River's infrastructure. The ongoing maintenance has been instrumental in ensuring a consistent navigable depth and regulating water flow, enhancing safety and efficiency for shipping and transportation. Modern navigation technologies have also been seamlessly integrated into the river's operations, further bolstering its role in facilitating commerce. Moreover, heightened environmental considerations have gained prominence, with various initiatives aimed at preserving habitats, improving water quality, and implementing sustainable river management practices.

It is important to recognize that the state of trade and commerce along the Mississippi River is subject to dynamic factors, including economic fluctuations, evolving infrastructure developments, and changing market dynamics. For the most up-to-date information on the river's modern trade activities and infrastructure, referring to recent reports and government sources is advisable to gain a comprehensive and accurate understanding of this crucial waterway's current status.

Policy Issues

When the construction of the headwater dams was underway, the U.S. government ran into some issues because many reservoirs were located on Indigenous land. The government offered the Ojibwe nation $15,466.90 for their land but it was rejected. The government and the Ojibwe nation spend 5 years negotiating from 1881 to 1886 until they reached an agreement. By 1886, most tribes in the area moved to a reservation in Minnesota with the promise of funded land improvements.

Upstream Northwest view of 9-foot channel

In 1928, Congress passed the Flood Control Act which called for the MRC to create a plan for flooding issues along the Mississippi River. The act included plans to strengthen existing levees and constructing a new spillway in Louisiana . Around that time, there was also debates about whether or not the Mississippi River should be deepened to 6 or 9 feet to allow for more water based trade and increase travel up and down the river which would bring more money to the economy. To determine which one was more doable, Congress asked the Army Corps of Engineers to complete a feasibility study of the 9-foot channel.

Chief Engineer Charles Hall opposed the 9-foot channels stating it would have devastating environmental impacts, and there was no economic benefit. The public and the government officials were not happy about Hall’s reports and believed Hall’s duty was to engineering not to the environment. Since there was not a lot of public support for his report, Hall decided that another survey should be completed to determine the costs of the channel in more detail. However, Hall was removed from his survey team before the final report went out.

Hall was not the only Chief Engineer to oppose the 9-foot channel. The next few Chief Engineers were also against the 9-foot channel however, by the time the second survey came out, it favored the construction of the 9-foot channel. The government continued to appoint Chief Engineers until they found one that was in support of the channel. In 1928, Major General Brown was appointed as Chief Engineer. He was in support of the channel, but did not agree with immediate construction until more survey work was done. This led channel supporters to turn to President Hoover to get support however, he also wanted to delay the construction of the channel until the Nation was in a more economically stable place since the Nation was in the Great Depression.

Despite many setbacks, supporters continued to fight for the funding of this project. The House of Representatives passed the River and Harbors Act in 1930 that did not provide funding for the 9-foot channel. So. supporters turned to their senators to have an amendment added to the act which would provide funding. By June 1930, the amendment was added and the project was officially authorized.

Looking at issues that the Mississippi River locks and dams in the present and future, maintenance and funding the biggest concerns. Dams have a typical lifespan of 50 years, so a lot of the dams built in the 1930's are quickly deteriorating. Since many dams are old they have eroded a lot over the years. However, they are dangerous and have an increased rate at failing. Environmental groups are concerned the US Army Corps is not taking these risks seriously and have financials incentives to do the bare minimum.

Key Lessons/Takeaways

The Locks and Dams on the Mississippi River are an example of how engineers can be placed in the middle of doing what they feel is best for the public and doing the job that was given to them regardless of the outcome. Although the locks and dams are essential to trade and the economy today, the environmental impacts that chief engineers had in the 1930’s are still relevant today.

With many dams needing increased maintenance, the US Army Corps had the chance to reevaluate some of the same issues that came up when planning the 9-foot channel.  Environmentalists would like the US Army Corps to take public engagement, environmental impacts, safety and stability, and future infrastructure impacts into consideration when determining the future of the dams.

Discussion Questions

1. Can the restoration of land to indigenous communities be feasibly achieved by removing dams?
2. What are the potential implications of privatizing dams as a means to generate more funding, particularly concerning river way transportation?
3. What economic impacts can be anticipated from the removal of specific locks and dams?
4. How is climate change influencing fluctuations in water elevation levels?
5. What strategies can be implemented to promote the commercial expansion of primary riverways for general use, including considerations such as small and large locks and cost-efficiency?

5.9 GHz Spectrum

This casebook is a case study on the 5.9 GHz Spectrum by James Robles, Tristin McCreight, and Chelsey Stebbins as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-003 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Fall 2023 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering, and Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

The 5.9 GHz Spectrum is seen to be the next big step for innovation within the transportation industry, particularly in terms of C-V2X technology, which would allow for autonomous driving. However, the spectrum is also desirable for internet providers due to the low latency and high data transfer capabilities. These two competing infrastructure initiatives are fighting for control over the spectrum and both believe their initiatives have more importance than the other. In 2020 the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) made a decision to reallocate the lower 45 megahertz portion of the spectrum (5.850-5.895 GHz) to unlicensed users and Wi-Fi use. The decision for this allocation was due to automotive manufacturers inability to meaningfully deploy the spectrum and the potential economic benefits of granting further access. The upper 30 megahertz portion (5.895-5.925 GHz) remains for C-V2X deployment and improving vehicle safety.

The FCC played a major part with the decision to reallocate the 5.9 GHz Spectrum to optimize and effectively use the band. The DOT, supporting vehicle safety through C-V2X, and Telecommunication companies, supporting advancements in Wi-Fi capacity, both argue that they have better reasoning to have full access to the spectrum. For 20 plus years the 5.9 GHz spectrum was allocated to the auto safety industry with C-V2X, but now this sudden shift has sparked an ongoing discussion on auto safety and expanding Wi-Fi’s capacity.

Technology Terminology

C-V2X diagram

5.9 GHz Spectrum

The 5.9 GHz Spectrum is a dedicated bandwidth that ranges from 5.850 - 5.925 GHz. This spectrum offers potential in low latency and high data transfer. This spectrum is favorable for both C-V2X opportunities in intelligent transportation, as well as improving Wi-Fi speed and reliability.

DSRC

The 5.9 GHz Dedicated Short Range Communications (DSRC) is a communications service that is primarily used in a short to medium range. This technology has low latency, high reliability, and is secure. DSRC is used primarily in public safety on the road by warning drivers of conditions or events ahead.

C-V2X

Cellular Vehicle-to-Everything (C-V2X) is a system that is meant for intelligent transportation systems and relies on a cellular connection to communicate with its surroundings. The C-V2X uses the spectrum because of its low latency and high data transfer abilities. This system builds upon the DSRC system by adding the ability to connect to a cellular network to increase its transmission range.

V2X

Vehicle-to-everything (V2X) is a short range direct communications system that connects vehicle to vehicle, infrastructure, and pedestrian infrastructures. V2X doesn’t use a cellular network, which means it focuses on the immediate and local area with sensors. Vehicles that can both recognize and communicate with these facets of transportation are considered to have a V2X communication.

V2I

Vehicle-to-Infrastructure (V2I) is a communication system for vehicles to connect to the surrounding infrastructure, such as traffic lights or road signs. V2I was an original component with DSRC and is further expanded upon with this system. This system can be in both C-V2X and V2X systems, and play a major role for both to succeed.

V2V

Vehicle-to-Vehicle (V2V) is a communication system that focuses on vehicle to vehicle communication and detection in real time. V2V has a larger presence in more modern vehicles with things like blind-spot detection and lane-change assistance, which relies heavily on short range communication between vehicles.

V2P

Vehicle-to-Pedestrian (V2P) is similar to V2V, in that it has the ability to recognize nearby pedestrians and implement safety measures to avoid fatalities and injuries. These measures are important for areas with pedestrian crossings and bike lanes.

V2N

Vehicle-to-Network (V2N) is a technology system that gives a vehicle access to use cellular networks. Car Wi-Fi is an example of this. It has the capabilities to have Wi-Fi, but it does not use it to communicate with other systems. V2N is a crucial component to C-V2X as it allows the vehicle to have its own Wi-Fi.

Actors

FCC Logo

Federal Communications Commission

The FCC is the regulatory body for how frequencies are allocated and the rules governing them. The FCC takes into consideration how the 5.9 GHz Band can best be utilized, whether it is for transportation or telecommunication. A main concern for the FCC is that the spectrum is not overburdened, while still allowing users to benefit from its allocation as much as possible. The FCC is designed to be an unbiased party for this issue, but is not immune from considering corporate interests and public opinion.

United States Department of Transportation seal

United States Department of Transportation

The United States Department of Transportation (DOT) is responsible for planning, coordinating, and regulating transportation projects across the country. Part of their mission is to make roads safer and more accessible, by preventing crashes and congestion, which are costly. The DOT has been a long standing advocate for reserving the band for transportation in anticipation of emerging technologies, but lacked the ability and political will to take full advantage of it at the time of its initial allocation. The DOT on federal, state, and local levels, continues to have a vested interest in retaining the spectrum solely for transportation, so that they can further implement intelligent transportation systems across the country.

Telecommunication Companies

Due to the sought out nature of the spectrum, telecommunication companies desire to use the spectrum as much as the FCC allows for Wi-Fi. The quality of the spectrum would surely enhance their services and improve telecommunication broadly. The opening of the lower portion of the spectrum is estimated enhance GDP by $23.042 billion and boost economic growth. The telecommunication industry has rapidly utilized the lower portion of the spectrum. However, 6G band frequencies are also developing within the telecommunication space and  are likely to surpass the benefits of the 5.9GHz Band. This raises the question of what other frequencies could be opened for unlicensed users as an alternative to the 5.9GHz Band.

Automotive Companies

Automotive companies have long wished to implement the new C-V2X technology, but development took longer than anticipated. Automotive brands are at varying stages of V2X technology within their vehicles. Features such as auto braking and lane assist are currently in the marketplace. This group fears that the reallocation of the 5.9GHz spectrum will leave it overcrowded, once companies begin to implement C-V2X. Moreover, automotive manufacturers are at odds with the FCC because of the poor regulatory framework that restricts further implementation of C-V2X, since the current framework applies to DSRC instead, which is now obsolete. While this is an ongoing process, automotive companies continue to voice their concerns over reallocation of the spectrum.

Equipment Manufacturers

Companies such as Connex2x, Qualcomm, and P3 Mobility are currently working on projects that utilize C-V2X. These companies are important because they are dedicated to developing and implementing new technology that can be sold to automotive manufacturers or used to their own benefit. These companies are key in technology development and are motivated by profit incentives. Companies vary on their stance on reallocation, depending on their industry. Regardless, equipment manufacturers are an essential component of intelligent transportation systems.

Interest Groups

Various interest groups have a stake in the issue as well. Organizations such as the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials, Alliance for Automotive Innovation, and 5G Automotive Association (5GAA) advocate for the advancement of new transportation systems, many of which require the 5.9GHz band. The Intelligent Transportation Society of America, an interest group that promotes safe and sustainable transportation, sued the FCC for its reallocation of the spectrum.  Even though the organization lost the case in district court, it demonstrates the lasting struggle between the government entities, private interests, and the public.

On the other side, interest groups such as Wi-Fi forward also lobby to promote more unlicensed Wi-Fi bands. They argue that opening up the 5.9 spectrum, as well as future bands, will buy economic growth, create jobs, and allow for more innovation within the industry. Wi-Fi forward has a lot of political power and influence, backed by multinational corporations.

Timeline of Events

• December 18th, 1991 - Congress passes Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act.
• June 9th, 1998 - Congress passes Transportation Equity Act.
• October 22nd, 1999 - FCC reserves the 5.9GHz spectrum for DSRC based transportation.
• December 17th, 2003 - FCC creates updated regulatory framework.
• January 31st, 2014 - Obama issues mandate to require automakers to implement C-V2X technology into their vehicles.
• August 24th, 2014 - The National Highway Traffic Administration (NHTSA) released a report saying it would take 37 years to fully implement DSRC in all vehicles.
• November 1st, 2017 - Trump drops mandate requiring automakers to implement C-V2X into their vehicles after lobbying by automotive manufacturers.
• October 31st, 2018 - Under the testing with FCC and DOT it was found the Wi-Fi could share 5.9 GHz spectrum with DSRC.
• December 12th, 2019 - FCC adopted a notice of proposed rule making (NPRM) unanimously in balancing the public interest in transportation safety and Wi-Fi by proposing the bottom 45 megahertz of 5.9 go towards Wi-Fi allocation and the upper 30 megahertz go towards vehicle safety.
• November 18th 2020 - FCC reallocates the lower 45 megahertz portion for non licensed users, including Wi-Fi.
• August 12, 2022 - The case of Intelligent Transportation Society of America v. FCC is decided in favor of the FCC. This reaffirms FCC’s decision to reallocate the spectrum to unlicensed users.
• August 16, 2023 - Joint waiver request submitted from automotive manufacturers, equipment manufacturers, and state departments of transportation to deploy C-V2X technology ahead of official updated frameworks.
• April 24, 2023 - FCC approves joint waiver requests.

Narrative of the Case

Connected Vehicle Locations - Planned and Operational Sites Using 5.9 GHz

As our highways and road infrastructure developed it became apparent that we needed to find innovative solutions to protect public safety. The 5.9 GHz Spectrum proved to have the right qualities for high speed traffic with its low latency and high bandwidth. However, the USDOT has made very little advancements in the intelligent transportation system since its initial allocation, other than the outdated DSRC technology. As other frequencies became crowded with unlicensed users, telecommunication companies saw the spectrum as a potential space for Wi-Fi expansion.

There are many barriers that limit C-V2X deployment within the transportation industry. One of the main issues is the inconsistent rates of which technology and policy develop. While some automakers are ready and eager to deploy their advancements in their vehicles, the FCC faced administrative hurdles that restricted further innovation. Another barrier is that any upgrades to current infrastructure requires some degree of financial commitment from either local, state, or the federal government. Moreover, without investment from the private sector, which includes both equipment manufacturers and automotive manufacturers, the technology cannot reach its full potential. With these barriers, those seeking to use the spectrum have a slower and more difficult time putting the band to use. Despite the FCC having the final say, various actors still remain frustrated with the current status of reallocation. Even though we have yet to see large successes, many projects are in development that might change the efficacy and status of the spectrum's use.

Funding and Financing

Implementation of intelligent transportation systems, especially those involving C-V2X technology require investments from both private and public sources. Government entities such as the DOT receive appropriations from congress, which are then dispersed to separate projects. For the 2024 budget the DOT requested $86.5 million for its High Priorities Activities Program (HPAP). This funding is used to assist states and local governments with CMV safety and intelligent transportation systems. These funds could help to advance and upgrade current technologies used within the 5.9 spectrum. State DOTs vary in how they get their funding, but are typically dependent on fuel taxes and transportation related fees, such as tolls. This results in steady, but inconsistent funding, which was especially telling during the Covid-19 pandemic. Investments from government at the federal, state, and local levels, all help to upgrade current infrastructure components such as stop lights.

Funding from private companies also contribute to the development of intelligent transportation systems and utilization of the 5.9 GHz Spectrum. While most of this financing is undisclosed, it is likely they have a multiplicity of revenue sources. Qualcomm, for example, sells products for RSU and OBUs. Other companies, such as P3 Mobility, are still in the growth stages and likely have loans or investment streams that help sustain them. Investments from automakers are the most crucial to advancing technology, but they remain at different stages of development and implementation of C-V2X communication systems.

Institutional Arrangements

Currently, the FCC’s rules regarding transportation and the 5.9GHz band are based on DSRC, but are transitioning to apply to C-V2X. Since DSRC is not capable of the autonomous vehicle future we envision, it is imperative that these regulatory frameworks are malleable and updated soon. In the interim, the FCC issued waivers to a collection of state DOTs, automotive manufacturers, and equipment manufactures, in order to preemptively grant permission for them to begin C-V2X implementation. For now, any entity requesting use of C-V2X must go through the FCC waiver process, until the FCC decides on a new regulatory framework.

The FCC when it comes to rule making follows the “notice and comment” rule making. This means that when it comes to decide an issue they give the public notice on what they are planning to adopt  or modify and then seek comment from the public. After receiving comment from the public the FCC looks over the comments to develop the rules. The steps to this process starts with the foundation of the Administrative and Procedure Act (APA) which is the basic requirements for this process. Next up is the notice of proposed rule making (NPRM) which explains why there is a need for a rule change. This can also propose what the agency should consider when finding solutions. When NPRM is out there the FCC includes specific questions that they want public comment and data on. NPRM publication is the publication of the document into the Federal Register; this allows for public access through online and print media. The public comment period comes next which lasts for at least 30 days the more technical the matter the longer a period for public comment. The public can also ask for my time to comment by providing a clear reason. Depending on the case the amount of comments differ some receive thousands where others receive few. The public can also reply to each other’s comments. Next up is the peer review process, so if the subject contains scientific or social scientific information it should be peer-reviewed by a qualified specialist in the intended fields. This is to ensure quality in the final findings. After peer review a logical outgrowth test is conducted, under a court ruling if any changes are to be made in the final rule it has to be something the public can reasonably anticipate on. If the public cannot reasonably anticipate the change the FCC would be required to allow more public comment. Last up is the final rule publication which is published in the Federal Registration.

Policy Issues

When the 5.9 GHz band was proposed in the 90s, it was intended to be used in V2V. This band was going to be used in DSRC which would help with “real-time safety-signaling” in emergency settings. Now 20 plus years later the need for DSRC is outdated and expensive.

In 1991 the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act was passed by Congress which meant that the DOT had to research and test intelligent vehicle-highway systems. With this research it led to the development of DSRC which would help with communication between V2I. Because of the research DSRC was looked at as a way that could avoid different vehicle accidents on US’s roads. In 1998 congress passed the Transpiration Equity Act for the 21^st Century of 1998, which meant the FCC allocated 75 megahertz of 5.9 GHz band to be used for DSRC; it allocated 5850 to 5925 MHz to be a part of the band. Now, the band has little to do with auto safety and DOT shelved proposals that would have required DSRC “radio systems” in cars.  There have been advancements in safety technology for cars and the auto industry, but that does not involve 5.9 GHz bands. If DSRC was to be implemented today it would be pricey. The price alone to mandate the use of DSRC in all vehicles would be $5 billion a year according to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) and by 2060 it would total around $108 billion.

The different WiFi bands used and proposed in the US.

Under the Obama Administration, DOT wanted to mandate DSRC radios in every new vehicle due to without every car having DSRC the technology would not work meaning no vehicles could rely on it. This decision was ultimately reversed under the Trump Administration’s DOT due to cost, delays, and uncertainty, but DOT has not announced anything about the DSRC not moving forward in implementation. If every car was to be equipped with the technology according to a report done by the NHTSA released in 2014; it would take “…37 years before we would expect the technology to fully penetrate the fleet”.

Now 20 years later this valuable band is deemed important for personal communication. 5.9 GHz is the gap between the current and the possible future for high-capacity Wi-Fi. In 2019 the FCC unanimously adopted a NPRM on the allocation of 5.9 GHz with the lower 45 megahertz going to Wi-Fi spectrum and the upper 30 megahertz for auto safety. The FCC adopted this proposal due to the fact that during these 20 years DSRC had yet to truly be implemented with the chairman acknowledging that, “…[I]t is hindering [the United States’] wireless future”. The FCC chairman also acknowledge how little auto safety needs the 5.9GHz spectrum. The FCC started looking into using 5.9 GHz spectrum in the 2013 due to the congestions in 5 GHz spectrum. In 2018 the DOT and FCC after testing found that the 5.9 GHz spectrum that was being used for DSRC can be shared with Wi-Fi. The reason the FCC proposed allocating 30 megahertz to auto safety was because that is the standard in other places around the globe like the European Union.

Now 20 years later this valuable band is deemed important for personal communication. 5.9 GHz is the gap between the current and the possible future for high-capacity Wi-Fi. In 2019 the FCC unanimously adopted a notice of proposed rule making NPRM on the allocation of 5.9 GHz with the lower 45 megahertz going to Wi-Fi spectrum and the upper 30 megahertz for auto safety. The FCC adopted this proposal due to the fact that during these 20 years DSRC had yet to truly be implemented with the chairman acknowledging that, “…[I]t is hindering [the United States’] wireless future”. The FCC chairman also acknowledged how little auto safety needs the 5.9GHz spectrum. The FCC started looking into using the spectrum in the 2013 due to the congestions in 5 GHz spectrum. In 2018 the DOT and FCC after testing found that the 5.9 GHz spectrum that was being used for DSRC can be shared with Wi-Fi. The FCC proposed allocating 30 megahertz to auto safety following the standard in other places around the globe like the European Union.

Lessons Learned

The 5.9 GHz Spectrum has only just recently become an issue, with the allocation of Wi-Fi into what used to be C-V2X only territory. The FCC’s decision for the lower 45 megahertz to be dedicated for Wi-Fi is very beneficial for the advancements and development of better services, as well as still giving the upper 30 megahertz for C-V2X development and improvement. Both argue that having complete access to the full range of the 5.9 GHz spectrum is necessary to have the most potential, as well as to keep the amount of traffic through the spectrum low and controlled. The results of this decision and the effectiveness of the allocation will be seen years from now. C-V2X will continue to develop and be implemented, but with half of the space originally owned. On the other hand, Wi-Fi’s new space in the 5.9 GHz spectrum is a much needed expansion that will act as the stepping stone needed for the next generation of Wi-Fi.

Overall the 20 plus year old debate and implementation of 5.9 GHz spectrum shows the inefficiency that surrounds bureaucracy’s red tape. Besides that, the slowness of bureaucracy impacted the accountability to the project stemming from the FCC’s decision on what the spectrum should be used for in 2020. In terms of adaptability, the spectrum has not been able to accommodate changes in technology and has stifled innovation from private companies hindering efforts to fully implement our intelligent transportation system. For intelligent transportation systems to truly be effective we must consider how to move past administrative hurdles and support new technological developments within the industry.

Discussion Questions

1. Did the 5.9 GHz spectrum allocation issue start in 1998 with the initial 5.9 GHz allocation for transportation, or in 2020 with the FCC’s decision to reallocate for both WiFi and Transportation uses?
2. Which would be better for society, Wi-Fi allocation or C-V2X technology?
3. Given the policy issues, was there too much government oversight over the emergence of intelligent transportation systems and allocation of the frequency?
4. Is there a solution where everyone is satisfied? If not, who should have priority?
5. Should there be a mandate to implement C-V2X, similar to the Obama era mandate?

Texas Power Grid

This casebook is a case study on the Texas Power Grid by Seiry Vasquez, Hawwa Khan, and Trinity McDonald, as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Fall 2023 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering, and Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

Electric towers in Clay County, Texas

The Texas Power Grid is a electricity system that independently supports 90% of the electricity that currently sustains its residents and businesses alike. There are several parties that come together to ensure the functionality of this system that millions depend on everyday. Those involved in the system's upkeep also have the high responsibility of ensuring its success in the future.

The grid system is composed of many individual groups that work together to to allow the buying and selling of electricity through the grid. Generators produce the electricity, companies sell the power to families and businesses, and the transmission is handled by another subset who guarantee power is supplied to the correct places.

This power grid sustains the livelihood of millions of individuals and involves many actors, covers thousands of miles of the state of Texas, and is an essential aspect of the Texan economy. The power grid has taken decades to develop sustainably, to organize its funding, and the regulations for day to day rules have advanced to uphold this intricate power system.

List of Actors

There are many different actors involved in Texas's power grid. The following actors help us understand each party involved in the grids upkeep and what they do.

Texas Electricity Legislation

1992 Energy Policy Act:

• This federal act introduced greater competition in the electricity sector, by lifting legal barriers in power generation markets. It offered the possibility for new power generators to acquire open access to transmission and distribution systems and to sell within region-wide markets. The passing of this Act was a first step towards establishing the conditions for future deregulation by states.

1995 Senate Bill 373:

• This bill marked the beginning of the deregulation process in Texas. Senate Bill 373 required utilities in Texas to provide transmission service on a non-discriminatory basis, thereby allowing independent generators to compete in the wholesale electricity market. In 1996 the Public Utilities Commission of Texas (PUC) adopted the rules that would implement this bill, and established the Electric Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT) as the independent systems operator of the Texas competitive wholesale electricity market.

1999 State Bill 7:

• State Bill 7 continued the deregulation process, and called for the introduction of "Texas Choice" for electricity to begin in January 2002. SB 7 required investor-owned utilities within the ERCOT service area to separate their business activities into different companies for generation, transmission, and retail services. Independent retail electric providers were permitted to compete with former utilities to provide service to residential and small commercial customers throughout the state.
• From 2002 to 2007 the newly-created retail electric providers associated with the former utilities were required to sell electricity at a mid-range price that was regulated by the PUC, known as the "price to beat". This was intended to promote customer switching and competition in the Texas retail electricity market, and was eliminated on January 1st, 2007.

Actors in the Electricity Generation & Wholesale Markets

Electric Reliability Council (ERCOT)

• ERCOT is the independent system operator for the ERCOT grid, which covers most of Texas (about 75% of Texas land area, and 90% of the state's power load), including more than 43,000 miles of transmission lines and 567 generation units. ERCOT's responsibilities can be separated into four main areas:

  

  Logo of Ercot

• It has four primary activities:

1. Operating the wholesale market upon which power is bought and sold
2. Ensuring open access to transmission within its territory
3. Long-term planning for system reliability
4. Administrating the retail switching process

Regulatory Agencies

Public Utilities Commission (PUC):

• Created by Texas legislature in 1975, the Public Utilities Commission of Texas (PUC) is the state agency responsible for regulating Texas's electric transmission and distribution utilities. Along with regulating electric TDU rates, the PUC is also responsible for overseeing competitive markets and enforcing compliance for the competitive retail electricity market. The PUC is responsible for disseminating educational information and can assist customers to resolve disputes with their utility. It also operates an electricity price comparison platform that is available to all retail electric providers to list their offers.

Electricity Transmission & Distribution Utilities

As electricity generation facilities are often located in areas far away from where it is consumed, electricity is transferred across high-voltage power lines before it reaches the distribution network. It then passes to lower voltage distribution lines before reaching its final point of consumption. Transmission & distribution facility owners in Texas are private, for-profit entities, but their rates and terms of service are regulated by the PUC.

There are five PUC-regulated utilities in Texas:

• AEP Texas: AEP Texas (which stands for: American Electric Power) is an investor-owned electricity utility company based in Corpus Christi, Texas. As one of the big five T&D Utility companies, AEP Texas operates on the deregulated ERCOT grid. AEP Texas (AEP Texas North & AEP Texas Central) service area covers Corpus Christi, San Angelo, Victoria, and many more. AEP Texas works with more than 70 retail electric providers (REPs) to deliver electricity to Texans. The AEP Texas power outage map and AEP Texas customer service number is available for customers to report an outage and view restoration times.
• CenterPoint Energy: CenterPoint Energy is an investor-owned electricity utility company that is based in Houston, Texas. CenterPoint is one of the big five Transmission & Distribution Utility (TDU) companies operating in Texas on the deregulated ERCOT grid. CenterPoint Energy Houston works with over 70 different retail electric providers (REPs) to deliver electricity to Texans. CenterPoint Energy customer service is available to help residents with project development, a CenterPoint Energy outage or gas leak, and have a specific CenterPoint Energy phone number for each type of customer service enquiry.
• Oncor: Oncor Electric Delivery, often just referred to as Oncor, is a Texas investor-owned electricity utility company based in Dallas, Texas. Oncor, which is sometimes mistaken for EnCore Energy (not currently operating in Texas), is one of the big five Transmission & Distribution Utility (TDU) companies operating in Texas on the deregulated ERCOT grid. Oncor works with over 70 different retail electric providers (REPs) to power Texan homes and businesses. The Oncor customer service number is available to assist consumers with power outages or project development, and have a specific Oncor phone number for each type of customer service enquiry. New residents moving into an Oncor service area will likely not need to contact Oncor to start electricity service.
• Sharyland Utilities: Sharyland Utilities is an electric transmission utility company that is based in Texas and regulated by the Pubic Utility Commission of Texas. Sharyland Utilities has experienced major acquisitions in recent years, which shifted ownership of Sharyland electric infrastructure to Oncor Electric Delivery. Sharyland Utilities LLC exists today on a much smaller scale and is concentrated in the far south of Texas.
• Texas-New Mexico Power: Texas-New Mexico Power is a Texas investor-owned electric utility company based in Dallas, Texas. As one of the five major Utility companies, Texas-New Mexico Power operates on the deregulated ERCOT grid. Texas-New Mexico Power works with more than 70 retail electric providers (REPs) to deliver electricity across Texas. Swipe (or scroll) down to find the Texas-New Mexico Power service area for consumers and their customer service contact phone numbers. Find, below, a few Texas-New Mexico Power outage resources that include the Texas-New Mexico Power outage map and contact information to report a Texas-New Mexico Power outage.

Electricity transmission & distribution utilities are responsible for maintaining and operating the transmission and local distribution lines. They start or stop electricity service, perform meter readings and are responsible for responding to emergencies such as power outages and downed lines.

Retail Electricity Providers

• Since 2002, Texans have had a choice of who provides their electricity. Retail electricity providers (REP) are responsible for providing electricity supply to consumers (residential, small commercial, or industrial), along with related customer service (billing, etc). In Texas, the retail electricity provider is the first point of contact for setting up a new account, or for questions about billing or electricity consumption (except for in an emergency such as a power outage, in which case the transmission & distribution utility should be contacted). You can find out more information about what's on offer in Texas in our retail electric provider profile pages.

Timeline of Events

• 1800s: The first electric companies in the US were created. There were no federal regulations for the electric industry when it was new. Utility companies throughout Texas were formed to generate electricity for ice plants. Those companies then began to sell their excess electricity to businesses and homes around their facility.
• 1924: Dallas-area Texas Power & Light Company built the first true interconnection in the state in 1924. In 1926, HL&P started building interconnections to sell excess power, and linked its network of transmission lines to the Gulf States Utilities system just east of Huffman, Texas, in 1927.
• 1930s: Electrification in Texas resembled electrification in many other parts of the country, apart from the regulatory relationships within the state.
• 1935: The Texas Interconnected system was created due to northern and southern Texas coming together to form one electricity transfer in the state. However, President Franklin D. Roosevelt passed the Federal Power Act in 1935, which regulated any electric company with operations across state borders. To avoid regulation, Texas energy companies from that time decided to operate without interstate connections, and this continues today.
• 1941: The creation of the Texas Interconnected System was made, which allowed for any excess generation to be transferred to the Gulf Coast region.
• 1942: Most significantly for Texas power companies, the FPC issued an order that relieved utilities of federal regulation if they joined interstate interconnections for the purpose of providing electricity to the war industries.
• 1965: Came the worst power outage in U.S. history. While it didn’t impact Texas, it did prompt a national policy change: new federal regulations were introduced to ensure the reliability of the nation’s power grid.
• 1966: Electric Reliability Council of Texas(ERCOT) was appointed to facilitate the power flows and exchanges between emerging utilities and became the country’s first independent system operator, otherwise known as an ISO.
• 1970: The Electric reliability council of Texas was formed. Texas utilities organized ERCOT in 1970 as part of a nationwide effort by power companies to address reliability concerns while protecting their relative autonomy from federal oversight.
• 1990s: Texas deregulates their electricity market which would allow more competition between electricity companies in which there main goal was to increase the efficiency and reduce consumer costs. In 1999, the Senate Bill 7 was passed in Senate as this was a reform policy to improve the quality of the grids and along with the consumers satisfaction for the reliable energy resources they have.
• 2000s: Many electricity failures shortly occurred after the time of deregulation and the passing of Senate Bill 7 as prices increased drastically and many blackouts occurred across the state.
• 2010s: Winter storms occurred in Texas which resulted in blackouts caused by the Texas Power Grid which left 3.2 millions of homes without any electricity.
• February 2021: As Winter Storm Uri wreaked havoc across Texas in February, pundits, politicians and the public reflected on the unique status of the state’s isolated electric power grid. The electricity is provided by two sources natural gas and wind power. Natural gas is the main source and wind power is the second source. These sources aren't weatherized, which caused the disruption in 2021. In general, natural gas wells and wind turbines in Texas are not weatherized for the extreme cold. As a result, the 2021 winter storm disrupted the two largest electricity sources in the state.
• March 2021: Investigations into the incident reveal a combination of factors contributing to the grid failure, including insufficient winterization of power generation facilities, natural gas supply shortages, and equipment failures.
• April: Texas Governor Greg Abbott calls for legislative action to reform and strengthen the state's power grid and energy infrastructure.
• May 2021: The Texas Legislature passes Senate Bill 3 and House Bill 1520, aimed at addressing the issues that led to the power grid failure and implementing reforms in ERCOT's governance and operations.

Maps & Location

A map showing the locations of electric power grids in Texas and which sector controls them

Texas Power Grid Location The Electric Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT) operates the electric grid for 75% of the state.

The Panhandle, South Plains, and the corner Northeast Texas fall under the Southwest Power Pool (SPP).

El Paso and the far West corner of Trans Pecos fall under the Western Electric Coordinating Council (WECC).

The Southeast corner of Texas falls under the Southeastern Electric Reliability Corporation (SERC).

(If map is has been taken down, please reference this link: here)

Map showing electric load zones by ERCOT in Texas

Funding and Financing

The Electric Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT) manages close to 90% of Texas' electricity flows and payments. The electricity supply for more than 24 million Texan homes comes from 550 power stations connected across the Texas Power Grid. ERCOT is funded by a System Administration fee of 55.5 cents per MWh (megawatt hour) to cover system costs. It costs an average 50-60 cents per month, around$7 per year, for an average residential home in Texas.

As far as the entirety of the Texas Power Grid, most if it is operated by federal funding. The Texas division of Emergency Management will receive $60.6 million in 2023 from the federal government to aid in strengthening the infrastructure of the electricity grid. These funds will help improve the grid to withstand extreme wether conditions and natural disasters, such as the power outage incident son February 15, 2021.

Funds are split up and used accordingly throughout different necessary tasks to ensure smooth operation of the grid and reinforce it. These funds will be put towards various programs that include trimming trees around power lines, improving equipment functions in extreme temperatures, and other infrastructure improvements. The Department of Energy is planning on funding $2.3 billion over the next five years to address power grid resilience issues in many states, Texas being one of them.

The Public Utility Commission (PUC) of Texas is responsible for regulating billing and taxpayer funds in many sectors of Texas, one of them being the electricity bills and matters regarding the Power Grid. ERCOT and PUC work together, along with the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality, to align federal proceedings and ensure efficient use of resources/funds. Thus, the primary source of funding for the Power Grid is federal funding.

To date, approximately $173 million in funding has been allocated to Texas in 2022 for weatherization and $30.3 million to prevent outages and make the grid more resilient. An approximate $525 million has been allocated to Texas for infrastructure resilience in 2022.

Institutional Arrangements

The flow of power that governs the Texas Power Grid currently follows a structure that is essentially a hierarchy, starting with the governor of the state, currently Greg Abbott, who has the power to select those in charge of running the system. Those that he appoints make up the Public Utility Commission, who from there regulate the Electric Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT). ERCOT then is responsible for managing the power grid. The positions that make up the council then are in control of overseeing the day to to day operations.

Because no one entity has complete control of the entire system, certain companies are responsible for producing power through electricity generators while others act as retail electric providers then sell the power to residents of Texas and businesses. Lastly transmission companies who direct that power are also compensated through customers' electricity bills. So, while ERCOT is a part of the regulation and decision making for the grid, there are many parties that are also able to influence the decision making surrounding the Texas Power grid.

The more specific day to day tasks which help to regulate the grid include:

Market Systems

1. Market Administration: operates the efficient and fair wholesale of electricity between the generators of electricity and the providers who sell it.
2. Operations: responsible for the balancing of the grid system. At any given time electricity within the Texas Power grid is being created, used, and sold. This means ERCOT must continuously monitor the grid to be sure that stability is maintained while the demand is also met.

Planning

1. Upgrades and Planning: regularly ERCOT measures through assessments the potential need for additional transmission units and generators to meet and anticipate electricity demand. This means additional infrastructure has the potential to be added in the future to help further support the grid.
2. Emergency Management: like in the case of the 2021 grid disaster, ERCOT is responsible for doing all they can to ensure that grid failure does not occur. In the case that it does, ensuring that ERCOT is more prepared to respond to disaster.
3. Consumer Protections: additional legislation is currently in the works to offer additional protection for families and businesses, so that in the case of grid failure, residents still have the necessary tools to keep themselves safe.

Narrative of Case

The Texas Power Grid was officially formalized in 1970 when the Electric Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT) was established to ensure the functionality of the electricity system throughout the state. This power grid is largely separate from the rest of the country making it unique in the way that it functions and upholds itself. The isolation of Texas’s power grid is due to many factors, largely the number of interested parties or companies that contribute to and profit from the system.

The term ‘grid’ is meant to reference the many miles of generating facilities and the transmission lines throughout the state of Texas that produce electricity and then ship it to vast distances to be utilized. This grid can deliver power to individual customers, be it a family of residents or independent businesses. The Texas power grid did not start very differently from the rest of the country as it adjusted to incorporating electricity into citizens’ everyday lives.

In the early days, (the 1880s- early 1900s) many companies operating at the time to upload and create the grid dealt with company mergers, takeovers, and bankruptcies as well as maintenance challenges, and frustrations working with the city government. Around World War II, two systems referred to as the North and South Texas Interconnected Systems were organized by power companies at the time to meet the needs of the defense industries. Over several decades (until the creation of ERCOT in 1970) the system grew and became a more connected and isolated system until it was known as the Texas Power Grid. The companies today that are responsible for selling, producing, and transferring electricity throughout Texas still have significant influence over the future of the power grid.

In 2021, the Texas Power Grid gained national attention when the power grid failed, in the wake of serious winter weather that Texas was not prepared to handle. The vulnerabilities of this system were well known by its regulators and Texas lawmakers who instead prioritized the profit of these large companies. This electricity failure resulted in thousands going without power. As a result  246 people would lose their lives due to going without heat for a number of days. An infrastructure system that supports millions was unable to sustain itself and support citizens. This has raised questions and concerns as to its functionality and ability to uphold itself, citing the need for repairs and upgrades across the board to ensure its success in the future.

Policy Issues

Following the deadly winter storm in February of 2021 that knocked out power for millions of citizens in Texas and hundreds of deaths, CPS Energy (the municipal electric utility serving San Antonio) came forward strongly in favor of ending Texas’ “solo” approach to its power grid. The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) is considering taking actions that could force Texas power grids and other states’ grids to connect with each other to reduce the chances of having a large-scale blackout again. The regulatory body has authority to set reliability standards for the Energy Reliability Council of Texas (ERCOT), which operates the grid. Texas is reluctant to take this drastic step of connecting their power grid with other states because they are concerned it will put them under more federal regulation. However, CPS Energy and others say that if they had the option to import power from other states in cases of emergency, like the storm in 2021, the power outages would not be as severe. They could not only prevent the effects of the 2021 power outage, but also increase revenue by selling excess power outside of Texas. According to ERCOT, Texas added more than 3,000 megawatts of solar and another 1,000 megawatts in wind generation, which results in plenty of surplus of energy. Power companies like CPS could sell this surplus of energy to others outside the state, while getting energy from them in times that they need it, which results in new revenue and a reduction of rates paid by customers.

In Congress, lawmakers are working on policies that would result in expanding power grids and increasing interconnectivity among states. Senator John Hickenlooper and Representative Scott Peters introduce new legislation that would require all power grids nationwide to maintain interconnections with neighboring grids. This would mean Texas would construct transmission lines capable of delivering 25 gigawatts of electricity to Louisiana, Arkansas, Oklahoma, and New Mexico – which is enough power to supple 22 million homes. Initially, the legislation stipulated that FERC’s authority not be expanded over the state’s power grid but have changed the bill to make Texas’ participation voluntary. The issues with this idea of connecting the grids across the nation is that some of the neighboring states also do not have the energy capability to deliver power to Texas in a state of emergency/blackout. Thus, many are arguing that it is pointless to connect with local grids, when there is no guarantee that either one can deliver the energy needed in a time such as the 2021 blackout.

Some of the proposed bills to the power grid:

• Senate Bill 6: This would direct the state to hire one company or more to build up to 10,000 megawatts of new gas-fueled power generation that can be activated during emergencies – a “backup” system. This would create state-backed, low-cost loan program to cover maintenance/modernization of current power generators.

• Senate Bill 7: This would allow power generators to bid a day ahead of providing specific services separate from everyday energy market. So, generators that need four hours in time of need to provide power can turn on within two hours of being needed. This will also fix “market distortions” from federal tax credits what wind and solar power generators receive.

• Senate Bill 2012: Incentivize companies to build more dispatchable power/keep existing dispatchable power online. It would also create a legislative oversight committee to oversee its implementation.

• Senate Bill 1287: Require the Public Utility Commission (PUC) to set a cap for how much Texans pay for power producers to connects the state’s power grid and require companies to pick up the remaining cost. This will encourage companies to build new power plants close to their customers/existing infrastructure rather than picking the cheapest land.  

The biggest issue/reason why these bills, legislation, and policies have not been passed/implemented in highly based on Texas' cooperation. Texas does not want to increase federal regulation of the power grid because it decreases their reach across the power sector and their stake. Additionally, the biggest reason for these regulations is to prevent the events of February 2021 from happening again, however, many believe interconnections of grids among neighboring states is not the solution because most of the neighboring states do not have the capacity to provide power to Texas when needed and most suffer from power outages/lack of energy themselves.

Takeways

The Texas Power Grid is a prime example of the interconnectivity of infrastructure throughout a region. The grid expands throughout more than 90% of the state of Texas and is ever expanding in order to improve the flow of electricity throughout Texas. The system, in and of itself, is a relatively well functioning system, however, it is susceptible to extreme weather conditions, natural disasters, and the impacts of these conditions can be drastic to large regions of Texans, resulting in power outages across the state. Remaining knowledgeable about Texas’s power grid system is the key first step to ensuring its success in the future.The power grid, through its generating and transmission facilities produce electricity and ensure that Texas continues to function.

Discussion Questions

1. When it comes to the Texas Power Grid and the money that is generated for various companies, does the interest big business out the customers needs and safety?
2. In what ways does the function of the Texas Power Grid allow for a continuous flow of commerce?
3. How could the Texas Power Grid improve its efficiency?
4. How beneficial is it to connect power grids among neighboring states? Is it a viable solution?
5. How can the production of power be improved within a state, as well as between connected state power grids?
   

Guangzhou South Railway Station

This Casebook contains a set of case studies developed by Jason Reyes, Syed Shah, Zachary Zalewski, and Mario Pineda-Diaz, students enrolled in the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future (CEIE 499: Special Topics in Civil Engineering / GOVT 490: Synthesis Seminar for Policy and Government) course taught at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering by Prof. Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

Guangzhou Railway Station

The Guangzhou South Railway Station, also known as Guangzhou Nan Railway Station, stands as a colossal transportation hub located in the southern part of Guangzhou, the capital city of Guangdong Province in southern China. Serving as a key gateway to the high-speed rail network connecting major cities, it is a modern marvel of engineering and urban planning, reflecting the rapid development and urbanization of the region. This station not only embodies China's commitment to expanding and modernizing its transportation infrastructure but also plays a pivotal role in facilitating travel, trade, and cultural exchange, both within China and beyond.

The station's design and scale are truly impressive. It features expansive concourses, multiple structures, and a complex network of tracks, allowing it to handle a substantial volume of passengers and trains. What sets it apart is the architectural design that seamlessly merges contemporary aesthetics with traditional Chinese elements, creating a visually striking and culturally rich environment for travelers. Whether you are embarking on a high-speed rail journey to other major Chinese cities, immersing yourself in Guangzhou's vibrant culture, or simply passing through, the Guangzhou South Railway Station stands as a testament to China's commitment to modern transportation infrastructure.

MAP/Location

Rail Connections to Station

High-Speed Rail

Beijing-Guangzhou High-speed Railway

Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong High-speed Railway

Guiyang-Guangzhou High-speed Railway

Inter-City Rail

Nan-Guang Railway Intercity Railway

Guangzhou-Zhuhai Intercity Railway

Guanghui Intercity Railway (under construction)

Guangzhou Metro

Metro Line 2

Metro Line 7

Metro Line 22

Foshan Metro

Metro Line 2

Station Layout

Floors of Station

3rd Floor - West drop-off area, entrance, security check, waiting hall, business lounge, and restaurants

2nd Floor - Platforms, railway tracks, and east drop-off area

1st Floor -Arrivals, exit, metro exit / entrance, ticket office, bus stop, taxi drop-off and pick-up, restaurants, and parking lot

Base Floor - Metro line 2 and line 7 station

Timeline

• 30 December 2004 – Construction commences
• 30 January 2010 – Partial opening of the station with services north to Wuhan
• 25 September 2010 – Metro station opened
• 7 January 2011 – Services to Zhuhai North and Xinhui commences
• 26 December 2011 – Service to Shenzhen North commences
• 26 December 2012 – Service to Beijing West commences
• 26 December 2014 – Services to Nanning East and Guiyang North commences
• 30 December 2015 – Services to Futian commences
• 23 September 2018 – Service to Hong Kong West Kowloon commences

Technical Data

Length / width / height:  450m / 400 m / 40 m

Total area:   approx. 320,000 m²

Area base-level: approx. 160,000 m²

Area railway-level:  approx. 100,000 m²

Area entrance- and access-level:   approx. 60,000 m²

Roof area:    approx. 200,000 m²

Roof span:   50 - 100 m

Designed to accommodate 200,000 daily

Finance

The total cost of the Guangzhou South Railway Station is ¥13 billion RMB or $1.8 billion USD.

SPBs (Special-Purpose Bonds)

The primary way China finances its infrastructure projects including the Guangzhou South Railway Station is by issuing SPBs (Special-Purpose Bonds). SPBs (Special-Purpose Bonds) are bonds that local governments in China use to fund projects, especially infrastructure. The SPBs can only be used to finance the project that they were issued for. The Chinese State Railway Group Company, which is state owned, was also able to take out loans from state owned banks to finance the project. Land in China is controlled by the government therefore relocating people already living in the area of development is very cheap. The local government is also able to lease out the land around the station to gain more capital to further finance the project. By allowing local governments such as the province of Guangdong to take out bonds they are able to fund projects such as the Guangzhou South Railway Station to address the necessities of their province and region within China.

The Chinese economy is heavily reliant on infrastructure construction therefore there are a lot of incentives for the construction of mega projects like the Guangzhou South Railway Station.

Key Actors

The Guangzhou South Railway Station has many key actors; these entities are state owned companies that have rail lines that run through the Guangzhou South Railway Station and connect Guangzhou to the rest of the Pearl River Delta Metro Area as well as the rest of China.

Government of the People's Republic of China - One party government run by the Chinese Communist Party. The Chinese Communist Party has the Ministry of Railways to oversee rail across the country. Owners of the state owned railway companies.

Chinese State Railway Group Company - The state owned company that is responsible for operating the railways system across the People’s Republic of China.

Guangzhou Metro Group Company - State owned company of mass rapid transit metro system that connects the city of Guangzhou.

Guangdong Intercity Railway Operation Company - State owned company that runs rails services across the Guangdong Province

Foshan Metro Group Company - State owned company that runs mass rapid transit metro system that connects the city of Foshan.

Impact on Surrounding Area

The Guangzhou South Railway Station has allowed for Guangzhou to be one of the biggest transportation hubs in all of China. The Guangzhou South Railway station transformed much of the land around the station and has been developed to cater to passengers and businesses. The Guangzhou South Railway Station Business District has developed around the station which includes the construction of many modern and higher end offices and apartments. There is currently an emergence of schools and medical centers to cater to the influx of the new people around the station. Due to construction of the railway station. This all has attracted a large influx of people with higher education into the areas around the rail station.

Expansion Plans

There is currently construction being done in the Guangzhou South Railway Station. There is an interchange platform being created as an underground tunnel that connects Foshan Metro Line 2 platform and Guangzhou Metro Line 2 & 7. Currently, for passengers traveling between Foshan Metro and Guangzhou Metro , they need to exit the metro station and walk for about 400 meters, which takes over 10 minutes for interchange. Once completed, the interchange time would be shorten to less than 5 minutes. The former construction site will also be repurposed as a parking lot for taxi drivers.

Another expansion plan has also already begun construction. The Guangzhou Railway Station to Guangzhou South Railway Station railway will be linked together by a new train line. Currently, there is no direct railway line connecting Guangzhou Railway Station to Guangzhou South Railway Station; passengers need to switch between the two stations using Guangzhou's subway system, bus or taxi. The construction of the rail link is estimated to take four years, with the anticipated launch of operations by late 2027.

Pros and Cons

Pros

The introduction of the Guangzhou South Rail Station has aided China's strategy of spawning economic development along the Beijing-Guangzhou High-Speed Rail lane (hereafter BGHSR). Since 2012, a few months after the BGHSR line opened, the Polar-Orbiting Partnership (known locally as the Suomi-NPP) has been collecting Night-Time Light images of China using satellites. In a paper published in the Socio-Economic Planning Sciences journal, researchers from Wuhan University analyzed the Night-Time Light photographs using the Sum Light Values (SLV) method. SLV measures the light emitted at night on an image of a region over time . A higher concentration of lights per pixel on an image affirms active urban development in the region.

The researchers from Wuhan University observed a rapid increase of approximately 50% SLV pixels per image in Guangzhou between 2012 and 2014. The researchers observed similar patterns of Night-Time Light growth along the BGHSR line with various Tier 1 cities in China—including Beijing, Wuhan, and Changsha—between 2012 and 2018. This rapid growth trend, however, did not continue in the lower-tier cities. Tier 2 and Tier 3 SLV data remained relatively muted between 2012 and 2018, suggesting that new transportation infrastructure projects (the BGHSR and the South Rail Station) in Guangzhou did not ripple the growth along to the lower tiers.

Cons

Amidst the pros of the new Guangzhou South Rail Station, a potential negative externality of focusing on Tier 1 cities could be that large infrastructure projects in mega cities might leave lower-tier neighboring cities behind in the urban development race across China.

Conclusion

In summary, the Guangzhou South Railway Station is a transportation hub located in China. It showcases not only engineering and urban planning skills but also China's unwavering commitment, to improving its transportation infrastructure. This project successfully combines aesthetics with Chinese elements demonstrating the nation's dedication to progress while honoring its rich cultural heritage. The station's extensive network of rail connections plays a role in facilitating travel, trade, and cultural exchange not only within China but also on an international scale.

The financial strategies employed in the station's construction, such as issuing Special Purpose Bonds (SPBs) and utilizing state-owned loans highlight the government's belief in infrastructure as a catalyst for growth. In addition to its transportation significance, the Guangzhou South Railway Station has spurred the growth of a business district that attracts medical institutions. This development has contributed to raising standards and improving living conditions in the area.

Future expansion plans include building an interchange platform and establishing a railway link between Guangzhou Railway Station and Guangzhou South Railway Station. These initiatives underscore the station's role, in connecting cities and promoting growth. However, it is important to take into account the consequences, for cities nearby that could be overlooked as China focuses on urban development. To sum up, the Guangzhou South Railway Station represents progress. Showcases how infrastructure can drive growth and shape regions. This emphasizes the significance of considerate infrastructure development, in our world.

Discussion Questions

1. How has the station adapted to the needs of travelers, such as providing amenities, services, and accessibility for people with disabilities?
2. What are the challenges and opportunities in maintaining and upgrading Guangzhou South Railway Station to meet the growing demand for rail travel?

Jackson, MS Water and Wastewater Treatment

This casebook is a case study on Water and Wastewater Treatment in Jackson, MS by Aurozo Niaz, Alejandra Ortiz, Chloe Shade, and Scott Tatum, as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Fall 2023 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering, and Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) perform initial assessments at O.B. Curtis Water Treatment Plant - September 2022

The provision of clean drinking water is one of the core duties of municipal government. Despite maintaining a fairly straightforward mandate, there are an array of obstacles that make fulfilling it challenging.

The Jackson, Mississippi water crisis of February 2021 serves as a pertinent case study in the intersection of extreme weather events, decaying infrastructure, environmental justice concerns, and institutional failures. The crisis was expedited by a severe winter storm, which unveiled the deficiencies of the city’s water infrastructure. These conditions were exacerbated by the city's aging water systems, distinguished by crumbling pipes and treatment facilities.

Notably, the crisis disproportionately impacted communities that were predominantly Black, underscoring the racial disparities in infrastructure investment and disaster preparedness. This preventable water crisis underscores the imperativeness of addressing infrastructure restoration, climate resilience, and environmental justice in historically segregated areas, with implications for public policy, equity, and the equitable distribution of essential resources.

List of Actors

The United States Environmental Protection Agency: This agency is responsible for protecting the health of the environment and the health of humans. The EPA Administrator, Michael S. Regan, visited Jackson, Mississippi as a part of his Journey to Justice tour the year prior to the Jackson water crisis in August 2022. In a statement Regan published after meeting with Jackson Mayor, Chokwe Antar Lumumba, he acknowledged that the people of Jackson have faced decades of injustices because they have not been protected and have not been provided with safe water nor a reliable water system. The city of Jackson had issued about “300 boil notices over the past two years and had multiple line breaks during the same timeframe” before the water crisis in 2022.

Seal of the Environmental Protection Agency

Regan was aware of the poor quality and conditions of Jackson’s water systems and continued to advocate for the people of Jackson even before the 2022 water crisis. Now after the water crisis, the EPA along with the mayor of Jackson, work together to bring safe and reliable water to the people of Jackson.

Chokwe Antar Lumumba: He was the mayor of Jackson during the water crisis in August 2022.  He advocates for the people of Jackson and worked with the EPA to bring awareness to the poor quality of the water system infrastructure and unsafe drinking water in Jackson. Similarly, to the EPA, he believes that the people of Jackson and their need for a better water system infrastructure has been neglected because of racial inequality. As a democratic mayor in a state with a Republican majority , he faced challenges to get the necessary resources to address the infrastructure issues.

Governor Tate Reeves: He is a Republican governor who assumed office in 2020. One of the factors that contributed to the failure of the Jackson water system was their unreliable billing system, so it was a challenge to collect payments. This meant there was little to no revenue coming int that could be used to repair/maintain the water system. This was a major contribution to the Jackson water crisis. In 2020, Reeves vetoed a bill that would have created payment plans for people to pay their overdue payments. This would have helped collect revenue to fund the maintenance/repair of the Jackson water system infrastructure.

Seal of FEMA

Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA): FEMA comes to Jackson to provide financial assistance, technical assistance, and to distribute other resources, such as water bottles. Because President declares a 90-day state of emergency for the city of Jackson, it authorizes the use of federal funds to cover 75% of costs related to the water crisis emergency.

Mississippi Emergency Management Agency (MEMA): MEMA worked in partnership with FEMA to help the people of Jackson, MS during the water crisis. The Public Assistance program was run by MEMA, so people applied through their application for resources and financial assistance. FEMA covered 75% while MEMA covered the other 25%.

Timeline of Events

• 1914:
  • Fewell Plant is built and still operates today.
• 1963:
  • Construction ends for the Ross Barnett Reservoir, Jackson’s largest source of drinking water. When the reservoir gets too high, though, water discharges into the Pearl River, which flows through Jackson.
• 1970s:
  • White flight: More than 11,000 white families leave Jackson to avoid integrated schools.
  • White Jackson families pull 5,000 children from local schools in 1970.
• 1985:
  • Jackson prepares its original Water Master Plan, outlining recommended maintenance and repairs for its water infrastructure. The plan will be updated in 1997 and again in 2012.
• 1993:
  • O.B. Curtis Plant, the city’s primary water plant, is built near the Ross Barnett Reservoir.
• 2010:
  • A storm causes hundreds of water mains to burst, leaving residents without water for weeks.
• 2012:
  • An American Water Works Association journal finds Jackson’s pipeline repair needs are more than nine times higher than the national average for similarly sized systems.
  • Jackson is put under a federal consent decree for violating the Clean Water Act.
• 2013:
  • The Jackson Master Plan is updated to reflect nearly $600 million in needed infrastructure updates and repairs.
  • More than 112 miles of water pipes are still unlined cast iron. In many cases, the eroding pipes are a century old.
  • Unaccounted-for water has increased from 19% in 1985 to 26% in 2012.
  • More than 97 miles of water mains running beneath Jackson are less than 6 inches in diameter, causing more than 40% of all water main breaks.
• 2014:
  • A winter storm results in water outages.
• 2018:
  • Another freeze causes pipes to burst and leaves residents without water.
• 2019:
  • More than 3 billion gallons of sewage is released into the Pearl River. Jackson residents are told to avoid water contact activities such as swimming, wading, and fishing.
• 2020:
  • Record rainfall in the first three months overflows the city’s sewage system and dumps nearly a half-billion gallons of raw sewage and 5.7 billion gallons of minimally treated sewage into the Pearl River.
  • An EPA report finds that Jackson’s water distribution system has numerous leaks and line breaks, with crews reportedly repairing five or six each day.
  • In June, Gov. Tate Reeves vetoes a bipartisan bill that would have helped Jackson use a flexible payment plans system to collect overdue payments and fund the water system.
• 2021:
  • A storm in February leaves Jackson residents with no drinking water for a month.
  • On March 3, Jackson Mayor Chokwe A. Lumumba writes to Governor Reeves, outlining the city’s urgent need for $47 million for immediate repairs and improvements.
  • In May, Mississippi receives the first half of $1.8 billion from the American Rescue Plan Act for pandemic-related expenses and for water, sewer, and broadband.
• 2022:
  • In April, the state Legislature votes to allow cities such as Jackson to apply for funding for water and sewer projects with a one-to-one match using their own direct ARPA funds.
  • On Aug. 29, floodwaters from the Ross Barnett Reservoir and Pearl River overwhelm Jackson’s primary water treatment plant, causing plant system failure and leaving 153,000 residents without potable drinking water and/or water pressure to flush toilets.
  • On Aug. 30, President Biden declares a 90-day state of emergency, authorizing federal funds to cover 75% of all costs related to the emergency.
  • On Nov. 4, the Mississippi Department of Environmental Quality awards Jackson $35.6 million, which the city matches for a total of $71 million.
  • On Nov. 29, the U.S. Department of Justice files a complaint against Jackson alleging failure to comply with the Safe Drinking Water Act.
• 2023:
  • In May, Henifin says Jackson doesn’t have the money to pay costs until more federal funds arrive.
  • On May 2, the SPLC files a complaint with the U.S. Department of the Treasury Office of Civil Rights and Equal Employment Opportunity regarding discrimination in the allocation and disbursement of millions of federal dollars Mississippi received from the American Rescue Plan Act.

Narrative of the Case

Two Treatment Plans

Image of Jackson, MS with the Ross Barnett Reservoir to the North

Two principal plants supplied Jackson, Mississippi with its water supply: the J. H. Fewell plant built in 1914 and the O. B. Curtis plant built in 1993. Together these plants provided drinking water to a total of around 250,000 people in and around Jackson. While both plants service the same region, they drew from different sources. While the Fewell plant treated water coming from the Pearl river, the Curtis plant treated the water within the Ross Barnett Reservoir.

Years of Neglect

In 2012, the EPA ruled that the city of Jackson had violated the Clean Water Act via the leakage and overflow of untreated raw sewage into the water supply. In addition to this, there were a number of unauthorized bypasses within the Savanna Street Wastewater Treatment Plant which contributed to the injunction.

Mandated by the injunction to improve maintenance, city officials were limited in funding and finances by the state government. This contributed to a gradual degradation of Jackson's water infrastructure over the decade, as vital repairs went underfunded and contributed to the crisis that began in 2022.

2022 Water Crisis (August - November 2022)

Following historic rainfall which flooded the Pearl River, the Curtis plant was overwhelmed with excess water from the Ross Barnett Reservoir. Already relying on backup pumps due to previous damage, city officials altered the treatment method at the plant, resulting in a decrease in water pressure and quality.

A state of emergency was declared, with most of Jackson's citizens lacking water in the immediate aftermath of the plant's failure. Similar breakdowns at the Fewell plant contributed to the crisis. A boil water notice went into effect for the city, straining the resources of local hospitals. While the systems were mostly restored by September 4th, concerns remained over water quality and potential lead poisoning. Eventually, however, the boil advisory was revoked for Jackson on September 14th and the EPA declared the water safe to drink later in late October.

Funding and Financing

The Jackson, MS water system infrastructure is funded by the people of Jackson, who are the recipients of the services. The water system is a utility, so residents and businesses who use its services have to pay the fees/bill. This is the water systems main source of revenue, so without it, it makes it difficult to maintain and improve the water system infrastructure.

Jackson, MS struggled to collect monthly payments from its residents because of an unreliable billing system and residents not being able to make their monthly payments. All of this contributed to the failure of the water system because without that revenue, the city did not have the financial resources that were needed to address the issues of the water system.

When President Biden declared a state of emergency in Jackson, Mississippi, Jackson was granted federal funds to assist with the crisis. The funds would cover up to 75% of all emergency related costs.

Mississippi Department of Environmental Quality (MDEQ) “awards Jackson $35.6 million, which the city matches for a total of $71 million”

In June 2023, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) announced that Jackson, Mississippi will receive $115 million in funding to support water infrastructure that will ensure safe and reliable drinking water for residents. The funding comes from Congressional appropriations for the 2023 federal budget. The Biden-Harris administration are advocates for Jackson, MS to receive this funding to ensure residents have access to clean, safe drinking water.

Institutional Arrangements

A municipality's water supply and related services are usually managed by several important institutions and entities. Their contributions to the crisis emerged from several factors, including budget decisions, infrastructure management, regulatory oversight, and emergency preparedness. In tandem, these agencies strive to ensure that communities have access to a dependable and safe supply of water. Municipal water systems are often managed by the following institutions, albeit specific arrangements may differ from one municipality to the next:

The management and operation of the water system were under the jurisdiction of the Jackson Department of Public Works and its water division. Challenges with these organizational structures, particularly inadequate financing, and staffing shortages, made it increasingly difficult for the agency to effectively manage and mitigate the issue. Regulatory agencies at the state and federal levels, including O.B. Curtis Water Treatment Plant, Mississippi Department of Environmental Quality (MDEQ), and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), establish water quality standards and monitor adherence.

A separate sanitary sewer system is operated and owned by the City of Jackson, Mississippi. Savanna Street, Presidential Hills, and Trahon wastewater treatment plants, as well as a wastewater collection and transmission system, constitute a component of Jackson's system. Jackson violated the terms of its National Pollutant Discharge Elimination System (NPDES) permits and Section 301 of the Clean Water Act. A total of over 2,300 sanitary sewer overflows, forbidden bypasses, malfunctions in operation and maintenance, and effluent limit violations account for Jackson's alleged offenses.

Determining water quality standards as well as ensuring that local, state, and federal laws are complied with are the responsibilities of the MDEQ and the O.B. Curtis Water Treatment Plant. In an effort to manage the emergency during the water crisis, the MDEQ collaborated with local authorities. They provided guidance and issued advisories, such as boil-water advisories, to safeguard the public's health. They assisted in organizing the emergency response efforts to make certain the residents were conscious of the situation. The MDEQ's response amid the crisis, as described by critics, was not as immediate as it deserved to be. The MDEQ, municipalities, and residents were not corresponding properly or effectively, which raised concerns. To prevent or mitigate similar crises in the future, the incident emphasizes the significance of extensive infrastructure investment, regulatory oversight, and efficient emergency response at the state level.

Policy Issues

Privatization

In response to the failures Jackson's wastewater treatment system, Governor Reeves floated the idea of privatizing the plants currently operated by the city government. This plan, however, has encountered opposition from city officials who fear the plan could increase costs. Proponents have countered by asserting the increased costs would result in greater quality service from the treatment plants.

Lead Pipes

Lead pipes have come into focus as well as a continuing factor in Jackson's water security. Many residents fear lead contamination in the wake of the crisis. Already, 1,800 lawsuits have been filed against city and state officials for lead water contamination.

Lessons and Takeaways

Neglecting Water Infrastructure Can Have Dire Consequences for Communities, Particularly Those with Limited Resources:

Neglecting water infrastructure, as illuminated by the Jackson, Mississippi water crisis, can have profound repercussions for communities, especially those already grappling with limited resources. This case underscores the essential, albeit often overlooked, role that infrastructure plays as the backbone of any community. Prolonged neglect or underfunding of maintenance renders the entire water system vulnerable to failure, thereby endangering public health, safety, and economic stability. Neglecting water infrastructure may lead to water contamination, service interruptions, and unsanitary conditions, all of which pose significant health risks to the population. In Jackson, residents faced hurdles in accessing clean water for basic necessities such as drinking, bathing, and sanitation. The water crisis also led to economic consequences that affected local businesses, property values, and potential investments, exacerbating the inadequate funding necessary to address the issue. Communities that overlook infrastructure investment may inadvertently deter potential economic development opportunities that could have secured additional financial support. The crisis in Jackson disproportionately affected marginalized communities, underscoring the social inequalities directly linked to insufficient infrastructure. Given the historical context of racial discrimination in the area, the development of this inequity is unmistakable, accentuating the urgency of addressing these disparities and ensuring that all residents enjoy equitable access to essential services.

Bureaucratic Hurdles Can Delay Emergency Responses:

The Jackson water crisis casts a spotlight on the difficulties inherent in bureaucratic obstacles during emergencies. In crises, the necessity of efficient, streamlined processes is a cornerstone to prevent immediate responses from being delayed by bureaucratic semantic procedures. In this instance, the community endured significant suffering due to the shortcomings of these inefficient bureaucratic procedures. Effective communication and coordination among various levels of government, regulatory bodies, and local authorities are of utmost importance. Delays in decision-making and resource allocation exacerbate the impact of the crisis. While regulatory oversight is indispensable to maintain water quality and safety, it should be balanced with the need for swift response and flexibility during emergencies, taking into account that achieving compliance without inducing delays is a complex challenge. Involving the affected community in emergency response and decision-making can help bridge the gap between bureaucratic processes and the immediate needs of residents, leading to more effective and equitable responses. By using a constituent-first approach and involving the voices of the community in a comprehensive manner will ensure that proposed solutions actually fit the needs and characteristics of the community experiencing the crisis.

Adequate Funding for Infrastructure Maintenance is Essential for Preventing Future Crises:

The Jackson water crisis underscores the critical significance of consistent and sufficient funding for the maintenance, repair, and upgrading of infrastructure. Inadequate financial support leaves water systems vulnerable to deterioration, potentially resulting in recurrent crises. Adequate funding not only sustains water infrastructure but also ensures its resilience against environmental and operational challenges. It facilitates routine maintenance and proactive replacement of aging components. Investing in infrastructure maintenance often proves more cost-effective in the long run. Preventive maintenance and timely upgrades can avert the significantly higher costs associated with emergency repairs and crisis management. Adequate allocation of funding for infrastructure maintenance in communities with limited resources represents an essential component of valuing social responsibility and equity for that community. Ensuring access to clean and safe water is a fundamental right that should be protected.

In conclusion, the Jackson, Mississippi water crisis stands as a stark reminder of the dire consequences of neglecting water infrastructure. The lessons learned underscore the importance of proactive investment, streamlined emergency response processes, and an equitable approach to confronting infrastructure challenges. These insights can guide policies and practices in other communities, helping to avert comparable crises in the future and champion the well-being of all residents, irrespective of their economic status.

Discussion Questions

1. How can other cities learn from Jackson's experience in terms of infrastructure maintenance and funding?
2. What is the role of federal agencies in addressing water crises at the local level?
3. How can equitable access to clean water be ensured in marginalized communities?
4. What steps should be taken to improve emergency preparedness for similar crises in the future?

US-MEXICO BORDER INFRASTRUCTURE

This casebook is a case study on the US-Mexico border infrastructure developed by Abdulsalam Dreza, Noah Panchure, Anna Antonio-Vila and Assaf Sametip as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Fall 2023 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering, and Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

This marker denotes the boundary between the United States and Mexico, a physical representation of the border that stretches nearly 2,000 miles and is central to numerous discussions on immigration, trade, and security.

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1. Introduction

1.1 Historical Overview

• The demarcation of the current United States-Mexico border was solidified in 1848, creating the world's most traversed border, with around 350 million legal crossings each year.
• Stretching approximately 1,954 miles (3,145 kilometers), the border's importance emerged in the 19th century following Mexico's independence from Spain in 1821.
• The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, concluding the Mexican-American War, designated the Rio Grande as the international boundary and transferred vast territories including modern-day California, Arizona, and New Mexico to the United States.

1.2 Importance of Infrastructure

The maintenance and shaping of the U.S./Mexico border are heavily reliant on infrastructure, serving as the backbone for logistical frameworks, technological systems, and physical structures that are essential for the movement of information, goods, and people.

In the broader context of diplomatic and international relations, the infrastructure at the U.S./Mexico border underpins over two centuries of collaborative engagement between the two nations. As of 2023, Mexico stands as the largest trading partner of the United States, with significant trade volumes underscoring the interconnectedness of the two economies. This is reflected in the flow of $263 billion worth of goods and services in just the first four months of the year, a testament to the vital role that border infrastructure plays in supporting and facilitating this immense level of trade. Long-standing agreements like NAFTA and ongoing dialogues such as the HLED are buttressed by the physical realities of infrastructure that make continuous exchange possible, evidencing the interdependence of these neighboring countries.

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2. Border Dynamics

2.1 Pre-Colonial and Colonial Border Dynamics

The tapestry of the US/Mexico borderlands is woven with the threads of indigenous legacies and the scars of colonial incursions:

Once a fluid landscape, inhabited by tribes with intricate connections to the land, the advent of European colonialism introduced artificial demarcations, severing traditional territories and disrupting native societies. The swath of land that would become the contentious border followed the Mexican-American War, materializing from treaties like Guadalupe Hidalgo and the Gadsden Purchase, which reconfigured the geography into a rigid national divide. These early impositions of borderlines prefigured the complex interplay of indigenous rights and national sovereignties, shaping the contentious zone that continues to evolve today.

3. Border Infrastructure: Physical and Technological Barriers

3.1 Physical Barriers

The evolution of physical barriers at the US/Mexico border reflects the changing policies and challenges of border management:

• The informal beginnings of border demarcation gave way to more formidable barriers in response to concerns about smuggling and illegal crossings in the early 20th century.
• Significant expansions of barrier construction were implemented from the 1990s onward, driven by a series of legislative acts aimed at curbing illegal immigration and bolstering national security.
• As of the latest assessments, the border features a mix of tall fencing, walls, and vehicle barriers, each segment designed to respond to the unique geographical and security requirements of its location.

Physical Barriers

The border wall at Nogales with concertina wire. This section illustrates the intensification of border security measures.

Physical barriers along the U.S./Mexico border, such as walls, fences, and vehicle barriers, have been central to efforts to deter unauthorized crossings. The border wall at Nogales, shown here, is an example of how such physical structures are complemented by additional security measures like concertina wire.

3.2 Technology and Surveillance

The integration of technology in border surveillance represents a shift towards a 'smart border' approach:

• Autonomous surveillance towers, drones, biometric systems, and quick-response units constitute a multi-layered surveillance infrastructure that works alongside physical barriers to detect and prevent illegal activities.
• The strategic use of these technologies allows for a dynamic response to border incidents and supports CBP in maintaining security with greater efficiency and less manpower on the ground.

3.3 Ports of Entry

Ports of Entry (POEs) serve as the arteries of legal travel and trade between the US and Mexico, underlining the economic and cultural interconnectivity of the two nations:

• The operation of these POEs involves complex layers of security measures to facilitate the flow of people and goods while ensuring compliance with immigration and customs regulations.
• Infrastructure at POEs includes advanced scanning equipment for cargo, dedicated lanes for pre-screened travelers, and facilities designed to manage asylum requests and process immigration documentation.

Geographical Context

Map showing the counties along the Mexico–U.S. border.

The U.S./Mexico border spans four U.S. states and six Mexican states, encompassing numerous counties with diverse demographics and economies. This map provides a geographical context for the border, illustrating the counties that are directly affected by border infrastructure and policies.

4. Impacts of the Border Infrastructure

4.1 Economic Impacts

The economic implications of border infrastructure are multifaceted, with effects on trade, commerce, and the livelihoods of border communities:

• Efficient operation of POEs is crucial for trade, as they are key transit points for billions of dollars worth of goods and commodities that cross annually, supporting millions of jobs in both countries.
• Infrastructure improvements that reduce transit times can lead to substantial increases in trade volume, highlighting the economic significance of border infrastructure investment.

4.2 Social Impacts

Social impacts of border infrastructure are deeply felt in border communities and extend to broader demographic and cultural trends:

• The presence and nature of barriers can influence migration patterns, community cohesion, and cross-border family ties, making it a pivotal factor in the socio-cultural dynamics of the region.
• Efforts to secure the border must balance enforcement with the legitimate economic and social needs of border communities, ensuring that security measures do not unduly disrupt local lives and economies.

4.3 Environmental Impacts

The environmental consequences of border infrastructure are a subject of ongoing concern and debate:

• Border enforcement activities and infrastructure can have deleterious effects on wildlife habitats, migration patterns, and local ecosystems, necessitating careful environmental planning and mitigation strategies.
• Water resource management is particularly challenging in the border region, where the infrastructure intersects with delicate desert ecosystems and cross-border waterways, making bilateral environmental cooperation imperative.

5. Modern issues and Future Directions

5.1 The Wall Debate: A Historical and Political Battleground

The concept of the wall has risen and fallen like the tides of political rhetoric and public sentiment:

Embroiled in partisan agendas, the wall has oscillated between a symbol of steadfast security and a monument to divisive politics, with administrations drawing lines in the sand that extend far beyond the physical barriers. Scrutiny over the wall’s effectiveness has become a recurring chapter in the broader narrative of national security, immigration reform, and humanitarian concern, with each twist and turn prompting a reevaluation of its role in the American saga. The ongoing discourse encompasses the fabric of economic, environmental, and ethical threads, each one pulling at the seams of policy and public opinion, and unraveling new challenges for the future of border integrity and human dignity.

5.2 Technology and Privacy: Surveillance in the Balance

The modern era introduces a digital dimension to the age-old dilemmas of border security:

Technological advancements offer a double-edged sword, sharpening the capabilities for surveillance while potentially cutting into the rights to privacy, casting long shadows of concern across communities living in the border’s embrace. The debate rages over the invisible boundaries set by digital monitoring, questioning the balance between protective oversight and invasive scrutiny, and whether the pursuit of security justifies the pervasive gaze of government. As drones soar and cameras peer, the effectiveness of such measures is weighed against the backdrop of civil liberties, with each innovation prompting a reexamination of the principles that guard not just borders, but the freedoms of those within them.

5.3 Migrant Narratives: The Human Cost of Borders

The border is more than a line; it's a nexus of human journeys, each marked by hope, hardship, and the search for a better life:

The multitude of reasons that propel migrants towards the border – from the ashes of conflict to the promise of opportunity – narrates a complex story of human migration, challenging the monolithic views often portrayed. The demographics of migration reveal a kaleidoscope of individual faces and stories, defying uniform classification and demanding a nuanced understanding of the migrant experience. Humanitarian concerns rise like a tide against the barriers, with each policy and physical fortification shaping the currents that carry migrants through perilous passages, leaving an indelible mark on the conscience of nations. Diplomacy and international relations ebb and flow around the policies of the wall, where each stone laid

6. Upcoming Infrastructure Proposals

6.1 Future Projects and Considerations

Looking forward, border infrastructure proposals continue to evolve with changing policy priorities and technological advancements:

• Anticipated projects include further enhancements to POE facilities, increased integration of renewable energy sources into border operations, and the application of AI to streamline customs processes.
• Considerations for future projects not only encompass security and efficiency but also community impact and environmental sustainability, reflecting a holistic approach to border infrastructure development.

6.2 Technology's Role

Technological innovation is set to further redefine the landscape of border security and management:

• Predictions for future surveillance involve the greater use of autonomous systems, AI-driven analytics, and remote sensing technologies to maintain a robust yet less obtrusive security presence.
• The expansion of digital infrastructure aims to not only enhance surveillance but also improve the speed and accuracy of biometric identification processes at POEs, optimizing both security and traveler experience.

6.3 Diplomatic Avenues

The future of border infrastructure is inextricably linked to the diplomatic relations between the US and Mexico:

• Upcoming treaties and international collaborations will need to address the shared challenges of border security, migration management, and environmental conservation.
• Enhanced bilateral cooperation is essential to manage the border effectively, with initiatives aimed at harmonizing security protocols and facilitating cross-border communication and response.

7. Conclusion and Reflections

7.1 Modern Border Implications

Reflecting on the transformation of the US/Mexico border, certain trends and constants emerge:

• Despite changes in technology and policy, the border remains a testament to the complex interplay of national security interests, humanitarian concerns, and the forces of globalization.
• The border has consistently adapted to the shifting demands of its role as a frontier between two of the world's largest trading partners, while also serving as a symbol of the challenges and opportunities of international borders in the modern world.

7.2 Way Forward

The path ahead for US/Mexico border relations requires a balanced approach that acknowledges the multifaceted nature of the border:

• A forward-looking perspective considers not just the imperatives of border enforcement, but also the potential for the border to act as a conduit for cultural exchange and economic synergy.
• The pursuit of a harmonious future for US/Mexico relations hinges on the capacity of both nations to craft border policies that reflect mutual respect, shared interests, and a commitment to the well-being of border communities and ecosystems.

Border Security and Military Involvement

CBP Provost testifying on the involvement of the Department of Defense in border security operations.

The role of the Department of Defense (DoD) in supporting the United States Customs and Border Protection (CBP) efforts to secure the U.S./Mexico border has been a subject of discussion and legislative action. Here, the CBP Provost testifies before a committee, highlighting the collaborative efforts between the DoD and CBP in border security and infrastructure management.

...

Automatic Dependent Surveillance-Broadcast (ADS-B)

ADS-B System Communication

This casebook is a case study on Automatic Dependent Surveillance-Broadcast (ADS-B) by Vinny Gaskin and Ian Bednarek as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Spring 2023 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Shinkansen High Speed Rail Casebook. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

Automatic Dependent Surveillance-Broadcast (ADS-B) is an advanced piece of technology that combines an aircraft's positioning source, aircraft avionics, and a ground infrastructure to create an accurate surveillance interface between the aircraft and air traffic control (ATC). ADS-B allows for air-to-air and air-to-ground communication, which enables a one-way contact between pilots and ATC, as well as pilot to pilot. ADS-B is a performance-based surveillance technology that is more precise than radar and consists of two different services: ADS-B Out and ADS-B In. ADS-B Out allows for aircrafts to relay information such as their identification, current altitude, positioning, and velocity, to other vehicles and air traffic control centers. ADS-B In provides aircraft with the ability to receive this information.

ADS-B is 'automatic' because it doesn't require input from any pilot or other external interrogation. It is 'dependent' because it relies on the accuracy of an aircraft's navigation system with factors of positioning and velocity data. The 'surveillance' of ADS-B is aircraft position, altitude, velocity, and other data that is provided to the facilities that require this data. Lastly, the 'broadcast' part of the name refers to the information being broadcasted, every half-second at 1090MHz, to be monitored appropriately by the designated ATC ground stations and other aircraft.

As of April 2023, ADS-B is required when flying in Class B and C airspaces in the United States. There are five different classes of airspaces in aviation, these classes are separated by their elevation and proximity to prominent airports. Class A airspaces refer to anywhere between 18,000 and 60,000 feet above sea level. Class B airspaces go from sea level to 10,000 feet high when in the vicinity of an airport with heavy traffic. Class C airspaces are similar to Class B, but they only extend from sea level to 4,000 feet above the surface when close to a busy airport. Class D airspaces surround less crowded, smaller airports from sea level to 2,500 feet above ground. Class E airspaces are controlled and are around federal airways or other important approach paths. A pilot would need prior permission from Air Traffic Control Towers before operating in Class A and B airspaces. In Class C and D airspaces they would need an established two-way communication with the Air Traffic Control Towers.

Timeline of Events

1990 - The Aircraft Owners and Pilots Association (AOPA) embraced "Global Positioning System" (GPS) technology.

March 2003 - A presentation of ADS-B's abilities was delivered to the Civil Air Patrol (CAP) by the AOPA. These demonstrations were done to inspire a possible integration of the technology into CAP activities.

2006 - Sweden began installing its nationwide ADS-B network using 12 ground stations. Finished installations in 2007.

2007 - The Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) started to implement ADS-B infrastructure and mandatory aircraft equipage.

December 2008 - The FAA administrator granted permission for the installation of the first fully functional ADS-B system in the United States. The installation happened at a location in southern Florida.

2009 - Canada joins other countries in the advancement of aviation technology by commissioning operational use of ADS-B to provide coverage of the areas that formerly lacked it.

May 2010 - The FAA published a rule that by January 1, 2020, all aircraft owners must equip their vehicles with ADS-B Out systems when flying in Class A, B, C airspaces and in Class E airspaces when flying higher than 2500 feet above ground level. This mandate became effective on August 2010.

June 2012 - Chevron Corporation and FreeFlight Systems were awarded a Supplemental Type Certificate (STC) by the FAA for equipping a Gulf of Mexico (GOMEX) helicopter with ADS-B. This is special as the Gulf of Mexico is a crowded area with intense traffic as thousands of flights taking place every day.

September/October 2019 - The FAA successfully reached its final milestone in ADS-B implementation. The final two airports, both located in Ohio, received ADS-B and became functional during September 2019. This was monumental as all airports were equipped with ADS-B and it became operation all across the country before the due date of January 1st, 2020 all while staying within budget.

April 2023/Present Day - In the United States, ADS-B is currently required in all aircrafts when flying over the 48 connected states when operating above Flight Level (FL) 100, or 10,000 feet above the ground. When flying at FL 100 or below this altitude ADS-B is still required only when operating in class B or C airspace, or when flying within 12 miles (nautical miles) of the coastline of the Gulf of Mexico while flying over 3000 feet above sea level. These requirements change for Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and the other United States territories, as they have their own unique regulations.

Narrative

In 2012 a researcher made the claim that ADS-B technology had no defense mechanism against “spoofing” or the sending of faulty messages by identifying , this risk was due to the fact that ADS-B’s data was neither authenticated or encrypted. The lack of encryption throughout the messages delivered by ADS-B makes them able to be read by anybody, which poses a security risk.

The FAA responded to these concerns by stating that they were currently being dealt with but could not disclose the methods of how these issues were being dealt with as the methods they were employing were classified.

Aircraft that are equipped with only a transponder, or with no transponder at all will not appear on the radar of ADS-B. This means that pilots who become overconfident or over-reliant in the capabilities of ADS-B may not be able to identify aircraft that lack the technology to appear on their radars, which is a great safety to both pilots and aircraft involved.

Another system that is frequently used by aircrafts in the United States and other countries across the world is FLARM. FLARM is a combination of the words flight and alarm and is used on most glider aircraft, which poses a problem as FLARM technology is not compatible with ADS-B.

There was also controversy regarding the ADS-B mandate which required implementation of ADS-B on all aircraft by January 1, 2020. Many pilots were outraged as they were forced to equip their vehicles with technology as expensive as ADS-B is. Many pilots anticipated that the FAA would rescind the mandate in hopes that they would not be forced to outfit their own vehicles with ADS-B. This mandate made some pilots claim that ADS-B was an unnecessary addition that drive many casual pilots away from the aviation industry.

Key Organizations and Institutions

Key organizations and institutions involved with the development of ADS-B technology include:

Seal of the United States Federal Aviation Administration

Federal Aviation Administration (FAA):

Transportation agency in the United States that became a part of the Department of Transportation in 1967. The FAA regulates U.S. commercial space transportation, and all civil aviation within the United States and surrounding waters to promote safety. The FAA also develop and operate air traffic control and navigation systems for civil and military aircraft.

National Business Aviation Association (NBAA):

Leading organization for companies that rely on general aviation aircraft to help make their businesses more efficient, productive and successful. The NBAA supports efforts to modernize the United States' airspace, such as the equipage of satellite-based ADS-B capabilities for monitoring aircraft in the skies and on the ground.

American Owners and Pilots Association (AOPA):

The American Owners and Pilots Association, incorporated in 1939, is a not-for-profit organization that is dedicated to general aviation. The AOPA supports the concept of ADS-B and knows the importance of near-universal participation. However, the AOPA has contributed its input on the FAA's implementation strategy. The AOPA suggested different technical changes that can make the ADS-B systems more affordable, and has also suggested that aircraft should be allowed to remove their transponders due to the transitions from radar and transponders to ADS-B.

Cargo Airline Association (CAA):

The Cargo Airline Association, originally founded as the Air Freight Forwarders Association, is an organization that represents air freight forwarders (indirect air carriers) and five all-cargo airline members of the cargo industry. When word got out that the FAA may delay oceanic Air Traffic Control operations of space-based ADS-B by 6 to 7 years (from 2022 to 2028/2029), the CAA joined the interested aviation stakeholders in a letter to FAA Administrator, Steve Dickson. Contents of this letter presented the stakeholders' urge for the leadership to ensure that every necessary step to implement the space-based ADS-B in the United States oceanic airspace was taken, in order to meet the original start date as close as possible.

Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University (ERAU):

Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University is the world's largest, fully accredited university specializing in aviation and aerospace. In May of 2003 Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University began using ADS-B on its main two campuses, in Arizona and Florida, as safety reassurance. In 2006 ERAU became the first aircraft to combine ADS-B with a glass cockpit.

University of North Dakota:

The University of North Dakota is one of the most comprehensive aerospace universities in the world. In 2006 an aerospace researcher from the John D. Odegard School of Aerospace Sciences at UND received a $300,000 grant from the FAA to research ADS-B technology. The university's aircrafts have since been equipped with ADS-B packages.

Funding & Financing

It is difficult to pinpoint the exact cost on how expensive it is to install ADS-B in the present day, as there are many variables that go into this cost. Some of the variables that determine the price of ADS-B include, type of equipment being installed, the certification process, and the cost of labor that it would take to install it. A group of pilots from a 2019 thread claim that the cost that they paid to install ADS-B into their own aircrafts ranges anywhere from $1000 to $7000.

The lead funding agency for ADS-B is the FAA. ADS-B is purchased either in bulk by organizations such as the FAA or by individual pilots for their own personal usage.

In April 2011, an equipping fund for general aviation aircraft was permitted through US federal legislation via House Bill for FAA reauthorization

A 2016 article claims that to meet the FAA's requirements the minimum cost for ADS-B installation would cost pilots around $4000 to $6000 and more complex systems will be even more pricey.

In 2020, a Texas-based Aerospace company named FreeFlight Systems made the claim that they will deliver ADS-B systems that meet FAA requirements while costing no more than $2,000.

Garmin and other GPS-enabled technology companies currently have ADS-B and transponder systems for sale on their websites. The least expensive system that included both ADS-in and ADS-out came out to be around $2,500. This is a good estimate on how pricey a fully operational ADS-B system would be in today's market.

Institutional Arrangements

Exemption 12555: Navigation Accuracy Category for Position and Navigation Integrity Category Exemption

• "does not exempt the requirement for compliant ADS-B Out equipment to be installed and operational on aircraft flying in ADS-B rule airspace.
• does allow for the extended use of an older type of GPS navigation receiver already installed in some aircraft. All other ADS-B Out equipment requirements must still be met and operational.
• was granted because multi-frequency/multi-constellation GPS navigation receivers suitable for transport category aircraft that meet the ADS-B Out Rule requirements were not available for purchase or installation in sufficient quantities until closer to 2020.
• imposes certain conditions, limitations and additional pre-flight responsibilities on the operators."

ADS-B Support Pilot Program: FAA-proposed program that allows for airports to receive AIP grant money to supplement other FAA funding sources for ADS-B ground equipment.

May 2010 - the FAA issued a final rule prescribing equipage requirements and performance standards for ADS-B Out avionics on aircraft operating in certain airspace after January 1, 2020.

2019 - Operators were required to confirm that a planned route of flight would comply with the ADS-B performance requirements.

An ADS-B receiver

Lessons Learned/Takeaways

Ostrom's Infrastructure Performance Criteria:

Efficiency: ADS-B is an incredibly efficient piece of technology that has revolutionized the aviation industry for the better. ADS-B improves the flow of air traffic with more efficient spacing and optimized routing to get pilots to their destinations efficiently, no matter what environmental conditions are thrown their way. This optimized routing leads to shorter flight times which benefits the environment by reducing fuel usage and pollution as well as saving time for the pilots and passengers. ADS-B systems provide air traffic control with updated information on their whereabouts nearly every second, which is far more efficient than the average radar that updates every 5 to 12 seconds. These constant updates allow pilots to identify threats quickly and react accordingly which leads to increased safety during a flight. It is not a perfect system though as a lack of encryption and authentication can make it suspectable to being hacked quite easily by someone with bad intent.

Fiscal Equivalence: Installing ADS-B equipment can cost pilots anywhere from $1000 to $7000 depending on a few variables. There is a lot to consider when deciding if the installation of ADS-B is a fiscally equivalent process or not. It is a one-time purchase that brings great benefit to pilots and gives them access to most airspaces, but it may not be worth it for some pilots that do not fly often or only operate in unclassified airspaces.

Redistribution: ADS-B does not contribute in terms of redistributing wealth as it only affects a specific group of people. ADS-B only directly influences pilots and those who are wealthy enough to take flights frequently. The cost to install ADS-B can be quite a burden on pilots as well, this means casual aircraft fliers may be disadvantaged if they cannot afford to equip the technology required. Rather than taking from the rich and giving back to the poor, ADS-B seems to take from the middle-class citizens and give it back to the rich. In less general terms ADS-B, specifically the 2020 mandate, benefitted the FAA and ATC and it was a detriment to individual pilots.

Accountability: When potential security risks were brought up to the FAA, they responded to these concerns by stating that they were currently being dealt with but could not disclose the methods of how these issues were being dealt with as the methods they were employing were classified. This shows questionable accountability because if the public does not know how you are dealing with these security issues there is no way to know that they are being dealt with at all.

Adaptability: ADS-B is still relatively new, so it is hard to say how adaptable it truly is. The technology has not evolved or had many changes made to it since its inception, it still accomplishes the same goals it did in the early 2000s. Also, there was little substantial news about ADS-B from 2010 to the present day aside from its implementation and the regulations made detailing when ADS-B use is required.

Overall, as the 2020 mandate hit and ADS-B is now required when operating in most airspaces the technology is something that pilots all over the country have to become accustomed to. This new system propelled the United States aviation industry forward to a modern satellite-based system which comes with a multitude of benefits when flying. Optimized routing, improved safety, reduced pollution, and increased airspace capacity to name a few of the benefits. It does not come without its controversies though, such as potential security risks, anger from pilots over the 2020 mandate, and the expensive nature of ADS-B installation for casual pilots. Generally speaking, the pros seem to far outweigh the cons and ADS-B is the technological breakthrough the aviation industry needed to make the transfer over into the modern world.

Discussion Questions

Could you see ADS-B, or technology with similar features and functions, being used in other infrastructure aside from aircrafts in the future?

Do you think ADS-B implementation should be a universal requirement?

Do you agree with the FAA's decision to mandate ADS-B for all aircraft?

What is next for the aviation industry now that ADS-B has been fully implemented?

GPS: Global Positioning System

This casebook is a case study on Global Positioning Systems (GPS) by Andrew Shibley and Sean Thiltgen as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: CEIE 499-002 Spring 2023 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Transportation Systems Casebook. Under the instruction of Prof. Jonathan Gifford.

GPS Satellite

Summary

Global Positioning Systems, better known as GPS, is a United States owned utility and technology that has changed infrastructure as we know it. Overall, GPS provides users with positioning, navigating, and timing (PNT) services. The system consists of three different segments. These are: the Space Segment, the Control Segment, and the User Segment. The United States Space Force controls and maintains both the Space and Control Segments.

    The Space Segment consists of multiple satellites that transmit data to users. The US space force has been operating 31 satellites for over ten years now. The satellites in the “GPS constellation” as it is called, are arranged into six equally-spaced planes surrounding the Earth. Each plane contains four spaces that are occupied by satellites. This arrangement ensures that users can view at least four satellites from almost any point on the planet. The Space Force normally flies more than 24 GPS satellites whenever the satellites in each plane are repaired or decommissioned. Usually, these extra satellites improve GPS performance.

    The Control Segment consists of a network of facilities around the globe that track the GPS satellites, monitor their transmissions, perform analyses, and send commands to the GPS constellation. The current Operational Control Segment (OCS) is comprised of a master control station, a secondary master control station, eleven antennas used for commands, and sixteen monitoring sites. The locations of these facilities can be seen in the Maps of locations and diagrams section of this casebook.

The User Segment, as the name implies, revolves around the user of GPS. Much like the Internet, railways, or highways, GPS is an essential element of global infrastructure. The innovation of GPS has directly led to the development of hundreds of applications affecting every aspect of life today. GPS technology is now in everything from cell phones to cars, airplanes, and ATM's. GPS is also critical to U.S. national security, and its applications are integrated in almost every aspect of U.S. military operations. Nearly all new military technologies integrate GPS.

Actors and Institutions Involved

Public Actors

National Executive Committee for Space-Based Position, Navigation, and Timing: Executive Level Advisory Committee that provides guidance to its underlined member agencies and organizations.

Under this Committee the following US government organizations and agencies operate, manage, and/or use US-owned GPS systems.

US Department of Defense - The DoD is the main operating agency for US GPS Systems and acquires, contracts, sustains, and secures its satellites, control segments, and military use equipment.

US Department of Transportation - Operates the Wide Area Augmentation System (WAAS) which provides augmented navigation information for aircraft in the United States. DoT also serves as the lead civilian agency on GPS-related issues.

US Department of State - Coordinates US foreign policy objectives regarding GPS and leads US delegations to international events, organizations, and committees which handle GPS spectrum allocations and discussions.

US Department of the Interior - Uses GPS for a wide variety of government activities, including: surveying; geographical information systems; and land management.

US Department of Agriculture - Conducts research for applications of GPS in agriculture alongside integrating GPS technology in cartography and fire suppression/protection plans.

US Department of Commerce - Manages and operates the Continuously Operating Reference Stations (CORS) network in the United States, as well as co-managing the radio spectrum used by GPS with the FCC.

US Department of Energy - Utilizes GPS systems to synchronize, and manage the US Electric Grid including detecting and managing relay stations and fault protection systems.

US Department of Homeland Security - Reports on and maintains databases covering domestic and international disuse and interference to civil GPS usage. Provides civil GPS support through the Coast Guards Navigational Center (NAVCEN) and the Civil GPS Service Interface Committee (CGSIC).

US Joint Chiefs of Staff - Oversees and validates requirements for the modernization of current and future GPS Systems under the GPS III project.

National Aeronautics and Space Administration - Operates both the Global Differential GPS System and reference stations for the International GNSS Service. NASA also provides research on new technology for space-borne GPS systems and new uses for aging satellites.

Private Actors

Lockheed Martin - Since 1997 Lockheed Martin has been the main manufacturer of US GPS Satellites, and continues to be the main private company tasked with the continued production and modernization of the space-borne fleet.

TomTom - A Dutch GPS receiver manufacturing company and one of the first to offer commercial civilian GPS receivers in the form of SatNav.

Raytheon - Raytheon was awarded the Next Generation GPS Operational Control System (OCX) contract , which aims to work in conjunction with Block III modernization in offering better more robust control systems.

Timeline of Events

Early Stages

1960’s: The origin of GPS starts in the Sputnik era when scientists were able to track the satellite with shifts in its radio signal. The United States Navy started conducting satellite navigation experiments to track US submarines carrying nuclear missiles. Submarines were able to see the satellite changes and find the submarine's location within minutes.

Post 1960: The Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA) used the principle from the Sputnik era to develop “Transit”. This was the world's first global satellite navigation system. The first satellite was capable of providing navigation to military as well as commercial users. By 1968 thirty-six satellites were fully operational. Transit is known for improving the accuracy of maps by nearly two orders of magnitude. This helped to increase the acceptance and overall need of satellite navigation.

Early 1970s: Using previous ideas from Navy scientists, the Department of Defense started to use satellites to support their proposed navigation system. They then created this navigation system and launched the first “Navigation System with Timing and Ranging” (NAVSTAR) satellite in 1978. The satellite system would become fully operational in 1993.

1972: Colonel Bradford Parkinson of the Air Force was tasked with overseeing the satellite navigation program. Parkinson led a team in creating a concept that took the best parts of TRANSIT. This system proposal received Defense Department approval in December of 1973 for a 1-way system of 24 satellites.

1974: This approach began when the Air Force started development of the first of a series of Navstar satellites, the ground control system, and various types of military user equipment.

Making Progress

1978: The first “Block I developmental Navstar/GPS” satellite launched. Three more were launched at the end of this same year.

1980: Additional GPS Block I demonstration satellites were launched.

1983: Ronald Reagan authorized the use of Navstar, now known as GPS, for commercial airlines in an attempt to improve navigation and safety for air travel.

Road Towards Civilian Use

1984-1989:  Authorization was given to provide free access of GPS data to industries that were not the U.S. military. This became the first step towards civilian usage.

By 1989, commercially available handheld GPS devices would hit the market.

Throughout the 90s, GPS technology continued to improve.

Benefon GPS

1999: GPS technology appeared for the first time in a cellphone when Benefon released Benefon Esc!. This was a phone that had GPS that would pave the way for more. During this time, Global Positioning Technology also began to show up in automobiles.

2000: The government approves plans to add three additional GPS signals for non-military use. As a result, GPS signals became 10 times more accurate for civilians. During this time the price for GPS receiver chips dropped from $3,000 to $1.50.

Present Day

2005: By this time GPS satellites included five different configurations with different capabilities.

2018: The first GPS III satellite was launched at SpaceX falcon 9.

2019: The second satellite was launched.

2020: The third and fourth satellites were launched.

The remaining six satellites are scheduled to be launched in 2023.

Funding and Financing

GPS is owned and operated by the United States government and is primarily funded by the US Department of Defense (DoD).  After the development of GPS began in the 1970s it was initially funded by the US military for use in their operations. However, as the system quickly proved to have multiple civilian applications which included navigation, surveying, mapping, and timing, the US government started to fund the system's expansion for civilian use.

In the early days of GPS, around 1983, President Ronald Reagan issued a directive that made GPS freely available for civilian use. This led to increased demand for GPS devices and services, which, in turn, created revenue for private companies that developed and sold GPS products.

Today, the US government continues to fund the GPS system's maintenance and upgrades. This can be very expensive. In 2019, the DoD budgeted $1.4 billion for GPS operations, including $837 million for satellite procurement and $482 million for ground control. In addition, congress provided about $22 billion to fund the GPS program in the 2022 fiscal year.

According to the official US government GPS webpage, the rest of the money to fund GPS actually comes from taxpayer dollars. The money is then budgeted through the Department of defense. In addition, per section 5 of the Memorandum on Space Policy Directive 7, the Department of Transportation is responsible for funding civil signal performance monitoring and overall any civil capabilities involving GPS. In other words: non-military application.

Apple Inc.

In addition to the government's funding, private companies also invest in GPS technology. These companies typically focus on developing GPS enabled devices and applications. Such devices include: smartphones, fitness trackers, and vehicle navigation devices. Some of the major companies that help finance and develop GPS technology include Garmin, TomTom, and Apple.

The US government also partners with other countries to finance and develop GPS technology. The European Union, using the same technology as the US, has developed its own satellite navigation system, called Galileo, which is designed to be compatible with GPS. In 2004, the US and the EU signed an agreement establishing this cooperation. The European Union has invested over $14 billion in the Galileo program and continues to fund its development and operation.

Overall, the US government primarily funds and operates the GPS system through money earned from taxpayer dollars. However, private companies also contribute to its development and use. The government's investment in GPS technology has generated significant profit for private companies and has led to numerous civilian applications using the system. In addition, partnerships with other countries have helped to expand and improve GPS technology, making it a great tool for navigation, surveying, and mapping.

Institutional Arrangements

The Global Positioning System is owned by the United States government and operated by the United States Space Force. The arrangements involved with GPS are quite complicated and involve a number of different entities and institutions.

At the highest level, GPS is governed and overseen by the United States government, specifically the National Space-Based Positioning, Navigation, and Timing (PNT) Executive Committee. The Executive Committee was established by presidential directive and coordinates GPS related matters across multiple federal agencies. The committee is chaired by the Deputy Secretary of Defense and includes representatives from a number of government agencies, including the Department of Commerce, the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Transportation, and NASA. The Executive Committee is responsible for setting policy and providing guidance for the GPS program.

Seal of the United States Space Force

As stated before, the regular operation of the GPS system is carried out by the United States Space Force, a branch of the US military responsible for space operations. The Space Force operates a number of different satellite systems, including the GPS constellation, which is made up of more than two dozen satellites in orbit around the Earth. The Space Force is responsible for maintaining and upgrading the GPS system, as well as ensuring its security, stability, and durability.

In addition to the government, there are a number of private companies that provide services related to GPS. These include manufacturers of GPS devices and software, as well as companies that use GPS data to provide location services used in navigation. For example, in 2018, Apple worked with the Department of Defense to test a new GPS signal that would provide more accurate location data for iPhones. These companies are regulated by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC)

One of the most important institutions involved with GPS is the International GNSS Service (IGS). The IGS is an international network of more than two hundred organizations that provide GPS and other Global Navigation data to support scientific research. The IGS collects data from a number of different sources and uses this data to create accurate positioning information that can be used for earthquake monitoring, climate research, and other purposes.

Another important arrangement involving GPS is the Federal Radionavigation Plan (FRP). The FRP is a document that outlines the United States government's policies and plans for radionavigation systems, which include GPS. The FRP is updated regularly when changes happen with technology and policy. The FRP also can be used as a guide for government agencies and private companies involved with GPS.

There are also a few international agreements that oversee the use of GPS. These include agreements between the United States and other countries in regard to the use of GPS for military and civilian purposes. These also include agreements between the United States and international organizations such as the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) and the International Maritime Organization (IMO).

The institutional arrangements involved with GPS are complex and involve a number of different government agencies, private companies, and international organizations. These arrangements are designed to make sure GPS is as effective as possible and to promote the use of GPS for research and a wide range of applications.

Maps of Locations and Diagrams

GPS Constellation

This is an imagining of the GPS constellation.

Map showing GPS ground locations

Policy and Technical Issues

Public Availability and Policy

Originally, when GPS was first created the main two frequency bands were split between public access and a private government use frequency creating the "Selective Availability" system. As the public began to rely more and more on GPS for everyday navigation and positioning the lower civilian band began to show its limitations. With accuracy ranging from a minimum of 3.5 meters to upwards of 15 the US government recognized the importance of GPS in everyday civilian life. Following this recognition in 1996 GPS was classified as a national asset and important infrastructure, thus giving the public access to both the upper and lower L bands, improving accuracy up to 3.5 meters and providing the public with access to a signal that was non-degraded due to atmospheric interference.

Following the discontinuation of the "Selective Availability" system in 2000, the cost of commercially available receivers dropped considerably, allowing for an even wider public access to GPS positioning. As a consequence current Block I and Block II GPS satellites were unable to meet the demand of users, thus necessitating the Block III modernization project.

Technical Issues

GPS systems rely on "line-of-sight" between the receiver and at minimum 4 satellites overhead in orbit. As this line-of-sight decays, due to inclement weather or the receiver being blocked in buildings with high amounts of internal copper wiring. Due to high amounts of interference the accuracy of data being received by the receiver becomes highly inaccurate giving a high margin of error to position data.

During the 1990's this issue was not as prevalent as the modern day, with many modern buildings having more dense and expansive wiring throughout. Some solutions to this issue of inaccuracy position or outright position data not working in buildings is through supplementing satellite based position data with information that can be gathered by Wifi or Cellular signals. This helps to bypass the main constraint of GPS which requires it to be "in view" of the reciever. Companies such as Apple and Google have begun to implement this system to provide greater accuracy when near objects, or in buildings, that could otherwise block the signals coming off of GPS satellites.

Potential Vulnerabilities and Future Issues

GPS is uniquely vulnerable for several reasons and has specific systems that are able to be disrupted in both sophisticated and unsophisticated ways which has presented issues in its use. One such vulnerability to the GPS system is the US energy grid’s reliance on GPS timing for use in relays as well as maintaining the phase timing across changing electrical systems. According to the US Department of Energy disruption of these systems has the potential to cause small scale black outs or disruptions to the United States power grid. Disruptions such as this have been minor, although have the potential to increase given wave-length crowding in Low Earth and Medium Earth Orbit.

Several International Conferences have carved out space on the electromagnetic spectrum in the L1, L2 and L5 bands, which has allowed for GPS to remain largely noise free since its creation. Since the late 1990s more and more nations have begun to create their own satellite programs, as well as competing GPS systems. GLONASS and BeiDou are examples of both Russian and Chinese satellites systems that directly compete for commercial end-user use on the ground. These efforts alongside the increase in commercial and civilian satellite programs has caused issues of wave-length crowding in low earth and mid earth orbits. Block III and the OCX system is currently attempting to address some of these problems. This is being achieved through providing more error correcting software and new ground stations that can ensure that signals from GPS satellites are accurate and reliable given the greater crowding of radio space in orbit and on the ground.

Discussion Questions

Do you think that GPS should continue to be solely controlled by the US government?

Given GPS's interconnectivity with modern day navigation and day-to-day life is there a need to increase its available bandwidth and security systems?

Oroville Dam

This casebook is a case study on the Oroville Dam Failure by Matthew Glaubke, Davis Kaderli and Ian Gates as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Spring 2023 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Shinkansen High Speed Rail Casebook. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

Just 70 miles above Sacramento, this earth fill dam is located where the three forks of the Feather River meet. The dam is the tallest dam in the United States and is also the largest water storage and delivery system that is state-owned. It includes a spillway system for runoff water from connecting bodies of water that connect to it. It is owned by the California Department of Water Resources. It is an important factor for the California State Water project. Water that is stored in the dam flows down the river and goes into the Sacramento river system. The dam creates a reservoir that holds around 3.5 million acre-feet of water. It features a fish barrier dam and pool.

The Oroville Dam also protects the residents who are located downstream from possible flooding of the Feather river. One of the most critical aspects of the dam is its role in helping the California water system combat droughts that occur. Because of these functions, the dam is extremely important for Northern California.

What is an earth fill dam and spillway system?

An earth fill dam is made up of compressed earth. Local soil is the main material used for it. Most of these dams contain a middle zone called the core. This zone is made up of low-permeable material. These clayey soils in the core help prevent water from passing through the dam.

They are the most common type of dam that can be built to any height. They are created as a non-overflow section with a separate spillway. They are the most common because of their foundation requirements, which are not as extensive as other dams. Also, high-skilled labor is not required to construct it.

A dam spillway system is a structure that forms part of the dam. Sometimes they are found just beside one. Their purpose is to allow floodwater to safely flow through the dam when a reservoir is full. It is located at a lower height than the rest of the dam. This allows for the water to flow down from the dam onto the spillway.

Institutions and actors involved

There were multiple entities that were responsible for the collapse of Oroville Dam. They collectively work together to monitor the dam and provide maintenance and risk information.

California Department of Water Resources:

The California Department of Water Resources (CDWR) is responsible for the regulation and management of California’s water usage and supply. It manages the water chain of 750,000 acres of California farmland and provides water to California cities and industries. It also helps with flood control, recreational opportunities, hydroelectric power generation, and enhancements that help protect fish and wildlife ecosystems. The DWR’s oversight runs from Northern California to Southern California. In its scope, it oversees 36 storage facilities, 21 dumping plants, 5 hydroelectric plants, and 4 pumping-generation plants.

They have a large number of responsibilities. They oversee the process that updates and develops the California Water Bulletin. They are in charge of regulating dams, providing flood protection, and helping with emergency management. They work to keep California dams safe and up to date. The agency has oversight of the Oroville Dam.

Federal Energy Regulatory Commission:

The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) is the federal agency that regulates and oversees electricity, natural gas, and oil. This involves the regulation of wholesale electricity sales and transmission of electricity for interstate commerce. They reinforce mandatory reliability standards for the state power systems.

One of the commission’s main authorities is its oversight of all hydroelectric power projects. One of the main functions of the commission is maintaining dam safety. They conduct security inspections, monitor infrastructure for environmental concerns, and enforce dam safety. They also are in charge of issuing new permits and licensing for new hydropower projects. The commission consults with federal and state natural resources agencies and state water quality agencies before starting new projects. 

The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission regulates the construction and operational phases of new hydropower projects. The commission reviews and approves the designs, specifications, and plans of powerhouses, dams, and other infrastructure. Staff engineers inspect the projects on a regular basis so that they are kept up to date.

Federal Emergency Management Agency:

The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) acts as the primary point of contact for disaster recovery preparedness for states. They establish and maintain networks for disaster recovery resources and support systems. They also put in place recovery progress plans and communicate improvements to authorities after a disaster. They work with the National Dam Safety Program to strengthen and develop tools to assist decision-makers.

Division of Safety of Dams:

Aside from the DWR, the California water code also assigns dam safety regulatory power to the Division of Safety of Dams (DSOD). They provide supervision for the design, construction, and maintenance of over 1000 dams in California. The agency reviews and approves dam enlargements, alterations, and repairs to make sure that the structures meet minimum requirements. They inspect dams on a regular basis to confirm that they are safe and functioning.

Friends of the River:

Friends of the River is a California activist organization committed to the environmental preservation of California Rivers and drinking water. It was founded in 1973 and they are now one of California’s leading river conservation organizations. They engage in grass-roots organizing and lobbying to influence policymakers. They have led a variety of successful campaigns that were able to influence dam and river infrastructure.

Funding and Financing

The Oroville Dam is publicly funded by the California Department of Water Resources. The DWC funds flood mitigation, management projects, and invests in dam maintenance measures. The DWC worked with Kiewit Corp to form a contract to repair the damages caused by the accident. The dam was originally financed by the DWR. FEMA has a Public Assistance program that reimburses applicants for project disasters. The program covers up to 75% of the possible costs connected with a federally declared disaster. After the Spillway accident, the Department of Water Resources requested $308 million for reconstruction and emergency response funding from the Federal Management Agency. After initially declining, they sent the funds to the DWC that were able to help with reconstruction. 

Timeline of Dam Construction and Failure

1957: The facilities relating to the dam begin construction

1961: The construction of the dam begins.

Dec. 8, 2016, to Jan. 31, 2017: Lake Oroville bottoms out Dec. 8 at 725-foot elevation and begins rising, but is 175 feet from full. Jan. 13 when the lake is 50 feet from full, the spillway is opened to release 15,000 cubic feet per second. Before Jan. 31, the lake topped 855 feet and releases fluctuate between 12,500 cfs and 20,000 cfs. (13)

Feb. 3-6: Multiple storms cause the DWR to increase releases up to 50,000 cfs. The lake's elevation is 849 feet. (13)

Feb. 7: The spillway releases increase, with a target of 65,000 cfs. However a large hole breaks open in the spillway floor about noon, about midway down, and the releases are stopped. With inflow in excess of 100,000 cfs, Lake Oroville begins to rise rapidly, topping 862 feet.

Feb. 8: With the lake continuing to rise, the DWR conducts test releases through the damaged spillway of 20,000 cfs to see how much erosion occurs. Lake level nears 875 feet with inflow still in excess of 100,000 cfs. With no other option, DWR begins releasing 35,000 cfs down the spillway, recognizing the bottom may wash away.

Feb. 9-10: The spillway releases increased to 65,000 cfs, then scaled back to 55,000 cfs. DWR says inflow has peaked and is declining, saying 55,000 cfs discharge should be enough to keep the emergency spillway from being used. Regardless, the water agency removes trees, rocks, and debris from the slope below the emergency spillway weir. PG&E removes power lines that are crossing the area that is at risk of being flooded if the water tops the emergency spillway weir. Lake level tops 890 feet, 10 feet from full. On Feb. 10 work continues below the emergency spillway weir and the Hyatt Powerplant is turned off as debris accumulates in Diversion Pool at the base of the spillway.

Feb. 11: At about 8 a.m., lake level tops 901 feet and begins spilling over the emergency spillway weir for the first time since the lake was completed in 1968. Main spillway releases continue at 55,000 cfs.

Feb. 12: The lake reaches 902.59 feet at 3 a.m. and begins to decline, but water is still running down the emergency spillway. At noon, DWR describes the situation as “stable.” However, at 3 p.m. a gash erodes into the hillside below the emergency spillway weir and begins cutting back toward the weir, raising the risk of a catastrophic failure that could release in excess of a quarter-million acre-feet of water down the Feather River. Releases down the main spillway are increased to 100,000 cfs to relieve pressure on the weir. Butte County Sheriff Kory Honea orders immediate evacuation, as do sheriffs in Yuba and Sutter counties. All told, in excess of 180,000 people are told to leave their homes.

March 6: Despite repeated requests for information, DWR refuses to say how much has been spent during the emergency. State Assemblyman James Gallagher finally gets an answer: $4.7 million per day, or $100 million during February alone.

April 6: The state Department of Water Resources outlines its plans for repairs and replacement of the Oroville Dam spillway by Nov. 1, with the undamaged top chute as the priority.

April 25: For the first time since the crisis began, members of the state Legislature pepper key water leaders with questions about what happened, what will happen next, and what can be learned from it all. Despite the first legislative grilling, not much new was shared or learned.

April 27: Bill Croyle, the acting DWR director, answers questions and listens during a series of community meetings as residents affected by the spillway debacle step up to a microphone and are heard. A total of seven meetings are completed by May 11.

May 4: The independent board overseeing the repair of the spillway recommends the DWR change its priorities and focus on the damaged bottom chute rather than the top.

April 2, 2019: Water flowed for the first time down the rebuilt spillway. Reconstruction of the main and emergency spillways cost $1.1 billion..

Case Narrative

Completed in 1968, the Oroville Dam is the largest earth-fill dam in the United States. It is a vital part of the California State Water Project, which helps supply over 23 million people with water. After a number of storms in the area, a chunk of concrete in the dam’s spillway eroded and broke away. This caused faster erosion to the rest of the spillway, as well as the ground underneath and around it. The spillway flow had to be increased to prevent the risk of flooding on the dam and river, which provoked the evacuation of over 180,000 downstream residents.

In the aftermath of the failure, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission conducted an investigation with the help of the Association of State Dam Safety Officials and the United States Society on Dams. The investigation took nine months to complete and concluded with a 584-page report that outlined not just the physical failures of the dam, but the human errors that led to the failure. The first human error was found in the design of the dam itself. Right after construction was completed, engineers noticed cracks in the slab of concrete underneath the spillway, but it was quickly dismissed as an issue that only needed ongoing repairs. The dam was also mischaracterized in multiple safety analyses as in good quality when the foundation was eroding.

The investigation also resulted in the discovery that the owner of the dam, as well as regulators, didn’t pay sufficient attention to the safety of the dam, and most spending on the safety was reactionary instead of preventative. Documents and data were not organized. Employees and engineers often didn’t receive the information they needed. The failure helped inform the rest of the dam industry about what to be aware of and the correct practices in ensuring dam safety.    

Oroville spillway damage

Policy Issues

Following the crisis, then-Governor Jerry Brown had to declare a state of emergency and deploy the National Guard to assist with the evacuation effort. He also activated the State Operations Center to its highest level and requested a Presidential Major Disaster Declaration before announcing new policy proposals to boost dam safety and further protect the state from floods.

One of these announcements was a $437 million investment in “near-term flood control and emergency response actions.” Brown’s second announcement was to begin requiring action plans and flood inundation maps for dams in the state. He then announced an effort to “enhance” California’s dam inspection program before requesting federal action in letters to the US Army Corps of Engineers and Secretaries of Defense, the Interior, and Homeland Security.

FEMA runs the National Dam Safety Program (NDSA) works to promote dam safety nationwide. The High Hazard Potential Dams Program provides $22 million a year to states for dam repairs, including $11 million this year from the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act.   Two advisory committees currently oversee dam operations in the United States. FEMA-chaired ICODS (the Interagency Committee on Dam Safety) encourages the development of efficient programs to maintain and improve dam safety nationwide. The National Dam Safety Review Board (NDSRB) sets safety goals and examines the effects of federal policy on dams; an analysis of their operations may be necessary to prevent Oroville disasters in the future.

During the dam rebuild, the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) was suspended but NMFS (the National Marine Fisheries Service) tried to slow down the process citing the Endangered Species Act. NFMS requested that inspections and construction only occur at night but Congressman Doug LaMalfa (R-CA) strongly condemned these practices in his letter to then-President Trump regarding the Oroville incident that happened in his district.

In 2019, FEMA approved paying $205 million but not the remaining $306 million needed to rebuild the dam spillway. Since the spillway failed due to poor construction practices, FEMA was not responsible for covering the entire cost. Federal law allows FEMA to reimburse up to 75% of the construction costs but FEMA decided only to cover 40% of the cost. When the State or California announced plans to sue FEMA over this lack of reimbursement, the Trump administration reversed course and covered the additional $300 million

Takeaways

Following the spillway failure, there’s been increased discussion about the state of dams in America. The American Society of Civil Engineers gave dams in the US a ‘D’ in 2017 collectively on their annual infrastructure report card. Another major preventable dam failure occurred in Midland, Michigan in 2020 - raising concerns about the state of dams in America once again

An investigation found that the Oroville spillway failure was caused by a faulty construction process. The main spillway was constructed on “poor quality rock” and the spillway designer had never built a spillway before. Multiple cracks had formed over the years, allowing water to break through on February 7, 2017.    

The US Army Corps of Engineers and Independent Forensic Report both came to the same conclusion that design flaws contributed to this dam failure. The spillway that failed was built on unstable bedrock and the spillway’s efficacy had never been tested.

The California Department of Water Resources (CDWR) was also blamed for the failure, as the department was “significantly overconfident and complacent about the integrity of its State Water Project civil infrastructure, including dams.” The dam structure was weak, as the structure depended on thin concrete anchors that were anchored into bedrock and steel. One expert with the National Academy of Engineering suggested that the culture of the CDWR should either be changed or that the department should clean house. Governor Brown chose not to clean house, so it may take a while for this neglectful culture to change at CDWR.

Even in 2020, a report found that despite hundreds of millions of dollars of repairs, there were still vulnerabilities in the dam:

• Erosion could still flood the Hyatt Powerplant
• Structural issues could prevent operators from opening the gate
• The headworks structure could still fail, releasing uncontrolled amounts of water
• A rare storm could cause a breach
• Internal erosion could still occur near the top of the dam

Additional investments of up to $2 billion must be made to address all of these vulnerabilities.

An image of the Oroville Dam in 2017 immediately following its failure

Climate change was also cited as contributing to the Oroville crisis as well. Atmospheric rivers - the phenomena that drenched Northern California on the day of the dam failure in 2017 - are expected to become more and more common as the globe warms. Dam planners and operators’ mistakes will be exposed further if action is not taken to ensure that the process of building and inspecting dams is more comprehensive.

Discussion Questions

How can disasters like the Orville dam be prevented in the future?

What regulatory measures can be put in place to prevent human error?

How should proper mechanisms be implemented to allow concerns from organizations like Friends of the River to be taken into account for dam safety?

Finnish Underground

This casebook is a case study on The Finnish Underground by Francisco Ortiz, Ben Geary, and Mahid Sheikh as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-003 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-002 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Spring 2023 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Shinkansen High Speed Rail case study. Under the instruction of Professor Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

Finnish Underground refers to the many underground infrastructure projects that Finland has focused on since the late 1960's. These projects began as civil defense shelters to protect citizens from Finland's neighbor Russia but, have expanded to public utilities, public transport, and many cultural hot spots. This case study focuses mainly on the underground of Helsinki, as it is the most developed and the most interconnected system of underground projects in Finland. Construction of the vast underground network began in the 1980s and continues to this day. Helsinki now has almost 10 million square meters (33 million square feet) of underground spaces and tunnels that conceal a subterranean art museum, church, swimming hall, shops and even a karting track inside a civil defense shelter [myhelsinki.fi]. To connect these places, there are underground metro lines, bus routes, and pedestrian paths, all of which are equipped to serve as bomb shelters should the need arise.

The majority (around 85%) of civil defense shelters are privately owned. This is due to the Civil Defense Act of 1958 and the later Rescue Act of 2011 that made building owners responsible for creating civil defense shelters. The construction of civil defense shelters in Finland is allocated to the largest buildings based on a risk assessment. Under the Rescue Act, a civil defense shelter must be built when the floor area of the building exceeds 1,200 square meters and the building is used as a permanent dwelling or workplace or is otherwise permanently occupied. In industrial buildings and those used for manufacturing, storage and meetings, the floor area limit is 1,500 square meters. Building owners must also keep regular maintenance on there shelters, have their equipment and shelter inspected at least every 10 years, and be able to fully convert it from whatever secondary use it is being used for to a civil defense shelter. The Finnish government allows civil defense shelters to be used for storage and other uses, as long as they can be made fully operational as shelters within 72 hours.

Timeline of Events

• End of the Russo-Finnish War and Signing of the Treaty of Moscow 1939-1940
• The Ministry of Interior, under the Civil Defense Act of 1958, is responsible for the construction and maintenance of civil defense shelters 1958
• Temppeliaukio "Rock" Church is constructed as one of the first landmark underground projects in Finland 1969
• The Helsinki City Council approves a set of planning principles for an Underground Master Plan 4
• The Rescue Act is put in place to further legislate the responsibility to develop private civil defense shelters, along with many other provisions 2011
• First Underground Master Plan (UMP) for Helsinki is put into place 2011
• Most recent revision to the UMP is put in place 2021

Narrative

Following World War Two, specifically the Russo-Finnish War (also known as the Winter War) from 1939 to 1940, Finland was in a worrying position in terms of their national security. The Soviets took about 6% of Finnish land in the Treaty of Moscow and, moving into the Cold War, continued to threaten Finland. In an effort to maintain their security, Finland declared that they would not join NATO (The North Atlantic Treaty Organization). This left them as the border between the Soviet Union and NATO until the Soviet Union fell and the Cold War ended. During this time, Finland began its program of civil defense shelters. The underground shelters were built all around the country. Civil defense shelters provide protection for the population particularly against a military threat in areas where people normally move, live and go to work. Civil defense shelters protect against the effects of explosions and splinters, collapse of buildings, blasts, radiation and substances hazardous to health. The Finnish government built many of these shelters near large public areas where people may not be able to find shelter otherwise and made their metro stations able to serve as civil defense shelters. In 2022, Finland had 50,500 civil defense shelters with space for a total of 4.8 million people. The majority of the shelters (approximately 85%) are private, reinforced concrete shelters in individual buildings.

As the threat of war became less and less of a concern, the Finnish government still wanted to use the vast amount of underground space they had built up for defense. Private shelters were mainly used for storage, while public shelters were used as sports halls, metro stations, and parking space. Helsinki, the capital of Finland, took this push underground in stride. Believed to be one of the only cities with an underground master plan, Helsinki has developed underground infrastructure that is uncommon in other cities. This includes underground power stations, cold water reservoirs, utility tunnels, heat pumps, etc. all of which are interconnected through a series of tunnels that go throughout the city [Development for Urban Underground Space in Helsinki]. In addition to infrastructure, there are also many recreational, cultural sites, and public utilities, including but not limited to:

• Amos Rex - This underground annex of the Amos Anderson Art Museum is famous for its weaving of an above ground plaza and underground art museum. It opened in 2018 and is one of Helsinki's most popular attractions.
• Temppeliaukio "Rock" Church - An underground church that was built in 1969 and represents one of Helsinki's earliest underground constructions. It hosts regular services and serves as a concert venue due to the unique acoustics of its bedrock walls.
• The Ring Rail Line - This metro line connects Helsinki Airport and the adjacent Aviapolis commercial district to the Helsinki commuter rail network. The Ring Rail Line was inaugurated in 2015 and stretches 18 kilometers.
• Kamppi Shopping Centre - This shopping center in downtown Helsinki also serves as a hub for an underground bus route that serves as another form of public transport. There are also underground pedestrian paths that connect to other shopping centers.
• Itäkeskus Swimming Hall - This civil defense shelter serves as both a gym and swimming hall for around a 1000 visitors at a time and around 400,000 people a year. It can also be converted to a shelter that can support up to 3800 people.

Key Actors and Institutions

Ministry of Interior

• Since 1958, the Finnish Ministry of Interior has been responsible for the construction, inspection, and regulation of civil defense shelters. They provide detailed information for shelter requirements, including necessary provisions, and a detailed map of closest shelters to make sure as many people have access as possible
• Under the Rescue Act of 2011, the Ministry of Interior also made building owners responsible for creating private civil defense shelters if their building was large enough. These private shelters are able to be used for storage, recreation, and other uses during peace time. Under the 72 hour provision, these private shelters, as well as the larger public shelters, must be able to fully convert back to civil defense shelters within 72 hours of an alert (such as a natural disaster or armed conflict).

Helsinki City Council

• The Helsinki City Council is responsible for the Underground Master Plan (UMP), as well as planning how the city as a whole will develop. The new underground master plan promotes a more diverse use of the underground facilities, more systematic utilization of facilities constructed in the bedrock and better coordination between different types of operations.

Helsinki Real Estate Department

• The Real Estate Department’s Geotechnical Division qualified the areas and elevation levels in Helsinki that are suitable for the construction of large, hall-like spaces. They been the main designer responsible for the preliminary and construction-phase planning required for the rock construction of the utility tunnels, the underground wastewater treatment plant and the treated wastewater discharge tunnel. The facilities designed by the Geotechnical Division include tunnel lines, halls, vertical shafts and the necessary access tunnels.

Funding and Financing

While much of the financing information is not available for much of the Finnish Underground network, there are a few publicly available measures of its costs. The average price per cubic meter of tunnels and underground spaces in Finland is EUR 100/m3 (including excavation, rock reinforcement, grouting and underdrainage). The reason for the low cost of tunneling in Finland is due to the practice of not using cast concrete lining in hard rock conditions, effective D&B technology and extensive experience of working in urban areas. Additional expenses are saved since multiple users are using the same spaces and public facilities. Temperatures of underground can be regulated easier than in the surface.

The raw water for the Helsinki region comes from Lake Päijänne (to the north of Helsinki) via a rock tunnel measuring more than 100 km. Its main investor and designer was the metropolitan area Water Company PSV. Tunnel construction started in 1972 and was completed in 1982 at a cost of some EUR 200 million (adjusted for inflation in 2011).

The Viikinmäki wastewater treatment plant is the central plant for treating wastewater from six towns and cities. It is less than 10 km from the center of Helsinki. The plant treats 280,000 m3 of wastewater from about 750,000 inhabitants daily. The plant was completed with a cost of approximately EUR 180 million and began operating in 1994. This wastewater plant replaced 10 smaller, above-ground wastewater treatment plants, freeing up land for other uses. To reduce costs and to make maintenance easier, extensive planning was implemented in the construction of the underground bunkers. Rather than having pipes and lines being buried underground/beneath facilities, they are instead built in pre-made tunnels. These same tunnels serve as passageways to make commute times shorter for both civilians and crew members. The tunnels are also built to last for at least 1 decade, needing minimal maintenance.

Other cities in Finland have also began to build underground bunkers or facilities. Their costs aren’t known, but in the city of Tampere, a parking cave for almost 1000 cars began construction in 2009 and ended in 2012. The cost to build the parking cave was 75 million euros. The Capital of northern Finland, Oulu, has also began underground construction, but costs aren't publicly available.

Lessons/ Takeaways

The Finnish Underground is a case study about the benefits of underground development. Using its natural resources, and its flat topography, Finland has moved much of its infrastructure underground. This has allowed for development on the land that would otherwise be used by water treatment and power plants. Public transport, including metro, bus, and pedestrian paths, are also underground, which allows for green spaces and smaller roads. The UMP allows for further development of underground car parks and other infrastructure, which further frees up space. The push of utilities underground not only serves to free up space, it also allows for better interconnectedness of utilities through maintenance tunnels that are separate from general traffic.

These underground projects, as well as the adoption of an UMP, would be a benefit to cities around the world. This push underground could reduce urban sprawl by pulling utilities from the urban extent to under the city. Many cities have some forms of infrastructure underground, but it is an untapped field that could be developed even more. With the increase in severity of natural disasters and weather events in general, putting utilities underground may also protect them from damage and protect the network from disruption.

However, these same underground projects also neglect a portion of the population who don't live in or near cities. Rural people, and to some extent, suburban people have inadequate access to these shelters. About 14% of the Finnish population (which is about 800,000 people) do not have proper access to the underground shelters.

Future Impact

The future impact of the Finnish Underground seems bright. The Helsinki UMP has rock-resources to develop further underground projects and has plans for an ambitious tunnel project between Helsinki and Tallinn, Estonia. The planned tunnel linking Helsinki and Tallinn would cost some 16 billion euros to build, according to a report published in Tallinn. The tunnel would be 215 meters below sea level at its deepest. Each day the report envisages the Helsinki-Tallinn link would have capacity for some 40 passenger trains, 11 car trains, 17 lorry transporters and 3 freight trains. The proposed tunnel’s track, tunnel and stations would cost between 13.8 billion and 20 billion euros to build and is proposed to start construction in 2025.

In terms of border security and the need for civil defense shelters, Finland is in a less favorable position. As of April 4th 2023, Finland has officially joined NATO. This breaks the long standing neutrality that Finland has held to appease its neighbor Russia. After the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, Finnish citizens' support for joining NATO increased dramatically. Finland's network of civil defense shelters may need to be put to the test if Russia continues its outward aggression towards its neighbors.

Finnish Underground Sustainable

The Helsinki underground bunkers can house the entire population of the city at 630,000 in the event of an emergency. Estimates put that the shelter can occupy a maximum of 850,000 to 900,000 people. Every bunker has enough food and water for up to 2 weeks. In the event of an attack, the bunkers can withstand a nuclear bomb (up to 6 bars of pressure). A 2nd door also protects against chemical attacks. Bombs can be dropped above, all while children play happily below ground.

A region where some of the Finnish Underground is being built is called the Greater Helsinki area. In Helsinki there is a population of 1.3 million people. The land is flat, and the bedrock in Helsinki is ideal for building underground, also only 6.4% of the land area of Helsinki is unnamed rock reservations without a purpose. This means that there is a lot of room for an underground network. There is also a plan to expand the Finnish Underground system quite a bit according to the picture.

Finnish Underground

In order to have a sustainable underground area, we need to get perspectives from “stakeholders, communities, geoscientists, engineers, urban planners”(Loretta von der Tann et al, 2021). All of these groups' perspectives are vital to the success of underground projects. When building an underground space, we have to clear it out first to make it usable.

Geotechnical engineers and geoscientists need to be more upfront on talking about challenges that come with the geology of the area to help better inform people working on the project. Because of this issue some buildings are not cost efficient and require more maintenance and are not as sustainable as they could potentially be. Also, we need to keep in mind that  underground space is a non-renewable resource and must be used wisely.

Discussion Questions

• Will this influence other countries or cities to build their own underground cities?
• What utilities could you see moving underground in the future?
• Do you think that investing into large-scale underground projects is worth it?
• Are large underground bunkers really feasible against conventional invasions?

Shinkansen High Speed Rail

Shinkansen High Speed Rail

This casebook is a case study on the Shinkansen by Alani Hall, Thomas Cross, Dorothy Raymond, and Tyler Mooney as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-001 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Fall 2021 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Transportation Systems Casebook. Under the instruction of Prof. Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

The Shinkansen is a Japanese high-speed train system. It is operated by four companies: East Japan Railway Company (JR East), West Japan Railway Company (JR West), Central Japan Railway Company (JR Central), and Japan Railways Group (JR East) (Sato et al., 1). The Tokaido Shinkansen route between Tokyo and Osaka was the first Shinkansen line to open in 1964 (Sato et al., 1). The Shinkansen is well-known for its dependability, timeliness, and efficiency. The system is so reliable that bullet train delays of more than five minutes are uncommon. Furthermore, Shinkansen has had a tremendous environmental impact by reducing traffic congestion and pollution. The Shinkansen runs on dedicated tracks and can achieve speeds of up to 320 km/h (200 mph), making it one of the world's fastest train systems (Nonaka et al., 4). There are 22 Shinkansen lines in service as of March 2015, with intentions to build more in the future. The Shinkansen has been an enormous success, transporting over 10 billion people since its inception and becoming an integral part of Japanese culture and society (Smil, par 25).

The high-speed rail system has aided in connecting various sections of the country, making travel and commuting more accessible and faster for individuals. The Shinkansen has also received accolades for its safety record, with no fatal accidents happening in its more than 50 years of service. The Shinkansen's achievement has prompted other countries to consider developing their high-speed rail lines. China has just begun running its high-speed rail lines, and other nations, such as South Korea and Taiwan, are preparing to build their own. The Shinkansen is still an essential aspect of Japanese culture and civilization, and it will undoubtedly play a crucial role in the country's transportation system for many years (Yee et al., 6).

Timeline of Events

Pre Construction

1872, October 14th- Japan’s first railway opens linking Tokyo’s Shimbashi District and the port city of Yokohama.

1906: The government of Imperial Japan enacts the Railway Nationalization Act of 1906. All railways are nationalized and consolidated under the Railway Board of the state Ministry of Transport over the course of the year.

1949, June 1st: Under Allied occupation and General Douglas MacArthur recommendations Japan’s government reorganizes all state owned railways into the Japanese National Railways (JNR) public corporation. The company remained semi-autonomous under the government of Japan.

Development & Construction of The First Shinkansen Line

1957, May: The first proposals of the Shinkansen are revealed at a public lecture hosted by the JNR-owned Railway Technical Research Institute (RTRI).

1958, December: The government of Japan approves the proposal of the first Shinkansen line, The Tokaido, linking Tokyo and Osako. The project is headed by Shinji Sogo, president of JNR and Hideo Shima, chief engineer.

1959, April 20th: Work begins on the Tokaido Line, with the deadline set to open in 5 years time.

1963: Due to cost overruns both Shinji Sogo and Hideo Shima resign from their respective positions.

1964, October 1st: The Shinkansen Tokaido line is opened, marking the first line of the Shinkansen railway network.

Expansions & Operations To Current Day

1969: Japan’s Government Cabinet approves the 1969 Second Comprehensive National Development Plan to expand the Shinkansen network by 7,200 km.

1970 May: Nationwide Shinkansen Railway Development Law passed by The Cabinet of Japan.

1972, March: San'yo Shinkansen (Shin-Osaka-Okayama line) opens to the public.

1973: Five additional Shinkansen lines and expansions are approved the Tohoku (Morioka–Shin-Aomori line), Hokkaido, Hokuriku, Kyushu (Kagoshima route), and Kyushu (Nagasaki route) lines.

1975, March: San'yo Shinkansen (Okayama-Hakata line) opens to the public.

1982, June: Tohoku Shinkan (Omiya-Morioka line) opens to the public.

1982, July: The Ad Hoc Commission on Administrative Reform recommends suspending construction of new Shinkansen lines due to JNR’s worsening financial situation.

1982, September: The Cabinet of Japan suspends Shinkansen development based on the Commission's findings.

1982, November: Joetsu Shinkansen (Omiya-Niigata line) opens to the public.

1985, March: Tohoku Shinkansen (Ueno-Omiya line) opens to the public.

1987, January: Cabinet of Japan lifts freeze on building new rail lines due to support of the public for Shinkansen development.

1987, April: Due to rising issues of mismanagement and debt, JNR is divided into 6 separate entities. JR Central, JR East and JR West, JR Kyushu, JR Shikoku and JR Hokkaido.

1988, March: Tsugara-Kaikyo Line opens to the public.

1988, April: Seto Ohasi Bridge opens, connecting Honshu to Shikoku, linking all four main Japanese islands by rail.

1991, June: Tohoku Shinkansen (Tokyo-Ueno line) opens to the public.

1997, October: Hokuriku Shinkansen (Tokyo-Nagano line) opens to the public.

2002, December: Tohoku Shinkansen (Morioka-Hachinohe line) opens to the public.

2004, March: Kyushu Shinkansen (Shin-Yatsushiro-Kagoshima-Chuo line) opens to the public.

2010, December: Tohoku Shinkansen (Tokyo-Shin-Aomori line) opens to the public.

2015, March: Hokuriku Shinkansen (Takasaki-Kanazawa line) opens to the public.

2016, March: Hokkaido Shinkansen (Shin-Aomori to Shin-Hakodate-Hokuto line) opens to the public.

2022, September: Nishi Kyushu Shinkansen (Takeo Onsen/Nagasaki line) opens to the public.

Narrative

The Beginnings of Railroad Development In Japan

During the Meiji Period (1868-1912) Imperial Japan began the process of rapid industrialization to face the competition of its western rivals. As part of this process the need for a comprehensive transportation system to link the country was realized. However Japan's geography made this difficult. Composed of the four main islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, and Shikoku Japan stretches 2,000 km of primarily mountainous (73%) terrain with interspaced heavy forest. The first railway in Japan opened on the 14th of October 1872, connecting the cities of Tokyo and Yokohama. To deal with the tight restraints of the mountainous terrain Japanese railways adopted the narrow gauge (3'/6" width) rail track that was better adapted to tighter turns than comparatively wider gauges.

The First Shinkansen

Post World War II Japan was faced with the issues of upgrading old infrastructure as well as rebuilding after the destruction of Allied bombings. In 1957 the Government of Japan began hearings to decide the course of Japanese infrastructure development on the aging Tokiado line, which formed the backbone of Japanese transportation.

There was a growing thought in Japan among transportation engineers and politicians that rail transportation was outdated and would soon be replaced by air and highway transportation technologies favored by western countries. However the president of JNR, Shinji Sogo, and Hideo Shima, chief engineer of JNR, believed that rail technology could be improved upon and be a viable competitor. The Railway Transpiration Research Institute (A think tank of JNR) published a proposal in 1957 that they could create a new type of rail transportation, using innovative technologies such as computer controlled cabins, new types of electrified tracks, and aerodynamically designed trains. This proposal stated that this new train could make the 550km trip from Tokyo and Osaka in under three hours by a fully electric train.

In 1958 the Government of Japan accepted the plans of the JNR to construct this first Shinkansen line they proposed. Work was scheduled to take 5 years with a budget of 200 million yen, less than half of the final cost. The budget was intentionally underbid to persuade the government to accept the plan, and in 1963 both Shinji Sogo and Hideo Shima resigned from their positions in the JNR once the budget shortfalls were discovered. In 1964 the Tokaido Shinkansen opened, cutting down transit time from Tokyo to Osaka from 6 hours to 3 as promised by the 1957 proposal. The train line was 515 km long and ran with an initial top speed of 210 km/hr. The track was a fully electrified standard gauge rail (4'/8.5" width) with a catenary wire system supplying power of 25,000 V. To increase power efficiently each train car of the Shinkansen is electrified instead of having a single engine pulling the length of cars.

The line was initially scheduled for 60 departures a day, with 2 Series 0 trains running concurrently; one train stopped at only major stations while stopped at every station . The line proved to be extremely popular and served its 100 millionth passenger only 2 years after its initial opening. This growing popularity spurred the JNR and Japanese Government to increase the frequency of departures by adding new train engines as well as commissioning the creation of new rail lines to link other cities into the system.

Future Developments

In 1969 the Second Comprehensive National Development Plan was created, tasking the JNR to expand its network across Japan with a combined track length of 7,200 km. Work progressed over the next 2 decades though the JNR begins to face issues with growing debt and the inability to fulfill the requirements of the National Development Plan. In 1987 JNR was fully privatized and divided into the sperate companies of JR Central, JR East and JR West, JR Kyushu, JR Shikoku and JR Hokkaido. Since this time these companies have expanded the railways, created new models of railcar, and improved the reliability and safety records of the Shinkansen. Currently there are eight separate rail lines crossing Japan, with more being built every year to meet the increased demand of Japan's economy and people. These routes are the Tokaido, San'yo, Tohoku, Joestu, Hokuriku, Kyushu, Nishi Kyushu, and Hokkaido.

Key Actors and Institutions

Public Sector Actors and Institutions

- Japan National Railways [18]

Private Sector Actors and Institutions

- East Japan Railway Company [17]

- Central Japan Railway Company [17]

- West Japan Railway Company [17]

- Japan Railways Group (Sato et al., 1)

Funding & Financing

The Shinkansen was initially built and operated by Japanese National Railways (JNR), a state-owned railway company. JNR was privatized in 1987, and the Shinkansen network was divided among the new private railway companies. The government continues to invest in the Shinkansen, with the MLIT providing funding for new lines and stations. However, the private sector also plays a significant role in financing the Shinkansen, with the different railway companies investing their resources into the network.

The Shinkansen is operated by Japan Railways Group (JR Group), a private company created in 1987 when the Japanese National Railways were privatized (Tomikawa et al., par 1). The Japanese government owns the JR Group and private investors. The government owns approximately 50% of the company, with private institutional and individual investors owning the remaining shares. The Japan Railways Group (JR Group) includes Central Japan Railway Company (JR Central), East Japan Railway Company (JR East), West Japan Railway Company (JR West), and South West Japan Railway Company (JR-West) (Sato et al., 1). The government also owns a majority stake in JR Central and JR East, which operate the Tokaido and Tohoku Shinkansen lines (Ali and Eliasson, 9). The remaining Shinkansen operators are privately owned. The Shinkansen is a profitable venture.

The Shinkansen is financed mostly through government investment and subsidies. Fare revenue only covers a small portion of the operating costs, with the rest coming from other sources such as advertising and leasing office space in Shinkansen stations. For instance, an advertiser may pay to have their product featured on Shinkansen's website or in its app. In exchange for this exposure, the advertiser agrees to pay a certain amount of money to Shinkansen. Shinkansen is also financed through sponsorships whereby a company may agree to sponsor Shinkansen in exchange for having their logo displayed on the website or app or in other marketing materials. The Shinkansen is a for-profit enterprise, with operating costs such as staff salaries, maintenance, and energy consumption offset by fare revenue. In the 2018 fiscal year, the four Shinkansen operators generated a combined operating profit of ¥206.8 billion (US$1.9 billion). This was up from ¥138.1 billion (US$1.3 billion) in the previous fiscal year. Ridership on the Shinkansen has been steadily increasing, reaching a record high of 151 million passengers in the 2018 fiscal year (Sato et al., 2). Fares have also been rising, resulting in increased revenue for the operators.

However, the Japanese government provides significant financial support for the construction and operation of the Shinkansen through subsidies and low-interest loans. The rail service subsidies amounted to over ¥700 billion (US$6.6 billion) in 2019 (Baruya 23). This subsidy covers a portion of the operating and maintenance costs, allowing the Shinkansen to function as a for-profit venture. Ticket prices are set to cover the remaining costs, with fares generally ranging from ¥10,000 (US$92) to ¥20,000 (US$184) for a one-way trip (Chou et al. 1). For instance, the government subsidizes JR East to the tune of ¥80 billion (around US$760 million) annually. This subsidy covers around a third of JR East's operating costs and allows the company to keep fares low. In addition, the government has invested billions of yen in constructing new Shinkansen lines, such as the Hokkaido Shinkansen and the Kyushu Shinkansen. The cost of building the new maglev line between Tokyo and Nagoya is estimated to be 9 trillion yen (around 80 billion USD). The Japanese government provides about 5 trillion yen (approximately 45 billion USD) of this funding, with the private sector raising the remaining 4 trillion yen (around 35 billion USD) (Chou et al. 1).

Institutional Arrangements

As the 1940s were coming to an end, development of transportation was at the forefront in the national agenda. Japan National Railways was the initial, government-led institution to tackle transportation in the region, during this era. However, an initiative to improve management, operation, and financing arose as these areas lacked in performance under this administration. These issues along with the additional need for global innovation kickstarted the privatization of the railway business in Japan in 1987. Japan National Railways was soon dissolved as private companies took on the reforms that called for progression. [18]

When railway transportation went from the public sector to the private sector in 1987, the Joetsu Shinkansen line, Tohoku Shinkansen line, Tokaido Shinkansen line, and Sanyo Shinkansen line were affected. [14] The East Japan Railway Company acquired the Joetsu and Tohoku lines. The Central Japan Railway Company acquired the Tokaido line. The West Japan Railway Company acquired the Sanyo line. [17]

Eleven private companies took on the responsibility to reform railway transportation in Japan; however, the initial four private entities have significant influence. Notably, the Central Japan Railway Company operates and maintains the Tokaido Shinkansen that travels through the capital city, Tokyo. [18]

The Central Japan Railway Company was among the private companies to partake in railway business reform in 1987. It is noted the April 1, 1987, marked its official creation. The company is keen on ensuring safety and reliability is maintained on the Tokaido Shinkansen and the Chuo Shinkansen. Note, the Tokaido Shinkansen and the Chuo Shinkansen in the areas of Osaka, Nagoya, and Tokyo—transportation hubs. The ESG management style is how the Central Japan Railway Company seeks to maintain and progress travel in these important areas. This approach incorporates economic activities that facilitate profit and encourages growth in society. Safety, improved services, efficiency, environmental consideration, and investment allows for better infrastructure, modernization, and support for local businesses. [18]

Lessons Learned/Takeaways

Key Technological Advancements

Automatic Train Control was an innovation that prevent collision. The third edition Automatic Train Control system consists of a brake control system. It is also known as the ATC-NS. The system can apply the appropriate amount of brake stoppage. Tokaido Shinkansen was the first line to experience the Automatic Train Control system. Since the 1960s, the advancement in this system grew. The 1980s brought additional capabilities with a monitoring system. The monitoring system was crucial in strengthening the communications between the train and system. [7]

The superconducting maglev system supports how the Shinkansen moves along. Its humble beginnings in 1990 would push this technology into its current use and existence. This system uses magnetic force to hover the train above the track. The coils on the track and the superconducting magnet on the train create this affect. The affects of using this system go further. The affects extend to the Shinkansen's ability to handle high speeds, natural disasters, and provide safe service. Also, the future superconducting maglev system is evident as the new Series L0 version is being tested. These tests suggest it could extend to commercial use. [18]

Speed

The Shinkansen's high-speed trains, or bullet trains, are able to achieve a top speed of 320km/hr.

The Shinkansen's SC Maglev exceeded two previous records for rail vehicles in 2015, achieving a top speed of 603km/hr.

Reliability & Safety

The Shinkansen is well known for holding an impressive safety record, in the 58 years since the debut of its Tōkaidō line there has been not a single reported on board passenger fatality caused by train derailment or collision, even during occurrences of train derailment caused by frequent earthquakes and other natural disasters, a record that the government and JRC boasts.

Despite this record, there have been numerous casualties involving the Shinkansen trains in the nearly six decades of operations, just not caused by train derailment or collision. Shinkansen passenger accidents have occurred occasionally in its years of operations such as injuries from closing doors and fatalities, reported by police authorities as suicides, with a recent September 2022 accident of an individual who broke on to the tracks at Toyohashi Station of the Tokaido Shinkansen line who was killed by the passing Nozomi No. 229 train, normal operations continued later that day following a temporary suspension.

Despite the very rare freak accidents and the slightly more common derailments due to an earthquake and blizzard conditions, the Shinkansen remains a remarkably safe for passengers and is a popular mode of transportation with a ridership that has now reached 1 million passengers per day. The Shinkansen is so reliable that the average delay time is 0.9 minutes, this number includes delays caused by natural disasters. The Shinkansen is able to be so punctial, despite Japan's frequent earthquakes and typhoons, because of its earthquake warning systems that allows trains to stop safely; the trains are also supported with many specially designed high-speed rail tracks, automatic train control (ATC), and automated train schedule management, that ensure that the Shinkansen trains always run on time.

Impacts

Economic

Prior to the COVID-19 global pandemic in 2019, the entire Shinkansen network saw a total passenger ridership of 574 million passengers during 2018. That same year, the Shinkansen accumulated approximately ¥2,861.4 trillion in combined operating and transport revenues. Revenues and ridership began to dip during 2020 and would decrease sharply the following year as a result of Japan's COVID-19 policies limiting the public's travel. Despite this, the Shinkansen is projected to make ¥2,097.0 trillion in combined operating and transport revenues.

Prior to the privatization and break-up of the Japanese National Railways (JNR) in 1987, the Shinkansen had four operating lines: the Tōkaidō Shinkansen, the San'yō Shinkansen, the Tōhoku Shinkansen and the Jōetsu Shinkansen. Japan's progress in industrializing and infrastructure development is reflected in the four early lines and in the prefectures these lines operated in; their municipal finances, for those cities with a shinkansen station saw an increase of about 155% between 1980 and 1993, compared to the national average of about 110% and 75% increases for those cities near the Tohoku Shinkansen without a shinkansen. This period is important as the effects of Japan's industrialization, and in particular the Shinkansen's development, become clearer and show an apparent gap that begins to grow between cities with shinkansen stations and cities without. Japan's second largest city, Yokohama, was even affected greatly just from the fastest train on the line, Nozomi, not stopping here. Just by missing out on having a stop on an existing line it hindered further investment in the city and discouraged more people from moving to Yokohama; the remedy this the Prefectural Governor suggested introducing a ¥100 tax on non-stopping services that would have raised an estimated ¥3.1 billion a year for the area.

After the privatization and break-up of the Japanese National Railways (JNR), the Nationwide Shinkansen Development Law was developed to expand the Shinkansen network to 7,000km across Japan. The 7,000km network was not achievable at the time due to Oil Crisis of the 1970s, requiring plans for expansion to be dialed down to 3,500km. The economic issues regarding cities with shinkansen stations and those without was also present during the network's further expansions continuing into the 2000s. The city of Komoro, which lost out to the city of Saku for a Shinkansen location, saw a rapid decrease in economic activity in the city where the occupancy rate of shops in the city was once 85% in 1992 had collapsed to just 46% by 2003. Tourist and visitor numbers dropped by over 500,000 per year, causing Komoro's tourism industry shift to an emphasis on day-trips to the city rather than longer stays; this continued decline in economic activity due to being deprived of access concerned city officials that one day Komoro will effectively soon cease to exist. For Komoro, like many other cities and prefectures, conventional train service would eventually terminate and be replaced by bus services and increased road transport, a problem for a nation where its railway system carries billions of passengers a year and limited space for road infrastructure.

In contrast, the Shinkansen provides a great economic boost for cities and prefectures that its network connects to. Presently, cities with the Shinkansen's high-speed rail stations have 22% higher growth than cities without a high-speed rail. The Shinkansen provides for connectivity between urban and suburban areas allowing for increases in population, employment, and other economic activity for places with Shinkansen stations. The presence of the high-speed rail is also linked to the increase in school enrollment, as well as education quality. Cities with Shinkansen high-speed rail stations have seen a 16-34% higher growth in employment compared to cities without; the high-speed rail network has noticeably increased job opportunities for women as well.

Environment

Transportation by rail is the most environment-friendly mode of transportation as trains produce one-ninth of the CO2 emissions made by automobiles and one-sixth of the CO2 emissions produced by airplanes.

The Shinkansen also connects to several airports or have express trains where people can transfer over to the Shinkansen, these rail connections to the Shinkansen network are important to cutting pollution at airports as a large portion of pollution at airports is in fact created by cars traveling to and from the airport rather than by the airplanes.

Social

Although economic expansionism was a strong motivator behind the development of the Shinkansen, political and social factors where also important drivers behind the Shinkansen’s development and expansion. These political and social motivators is visually represented when comparing the Shinkansen’s rail map to Japan’s other conventional lines; these conventional lines have the noticeable characteristic of being ‘zigzagged from one town to another or looped in a huge half-circle through several towns' instead of more logically connecting Japan’s urban areas. This was caused by the expansion of the 1922 Railway Construction Law that further facilitated the political process by which politicians sought out favoritism or other means that would bring railways to particular constituencies, this indirectly sparked a practice of dispersion by railways that would follow into the development of the Shinkansen network.

High Speed Rail Projects Across The Globe

The Shinkansen’s high-speed rail, or bullet train, technology have already successfully contracted, exported, developed, and established in several countries outside of Japan. These countries that have gained and established high-speed rail systems based upon the Shinkansen are Taiwan, China, and the United Kingdom.

Two more counties are in the process of their respective infrastructure development projects to import the Shinkansen’s technology to establish their own respective high-speed rail system for the first time; these two counties being India and the United States.

India is in the process of developing the Mumbai-Ahmedabad high-speed rail corridor that has seen a longstanding impasse due to costs of acquiring certain critical components from Japan, despite the Japan International Cooperation Agency covering 80% of the costs with a soft loan to India.

The project in the United States, located in Texas to construct a Dallas-Houston bullet train developed by the Texas Central High-Speed Railway company, has also suffered from longstanding delays, yet due to persistent leadership abandonment and slow land acquisition.

Maps & Diagrams

Map of current Shinkansen lines divided by governing authority. The design is structured around the Capital Tokyo with long branches connecting the north and south routing through the central station.

Examples of different models of trains used by the Shinkansen lines since the 1960's. Note the changes in aerodynamic profile.

Interior of a Shinkansen train car.

Discussion Questions

1. The Shinkansen line has been in continuous development since the 1960's with significant expenditure of both economic and political capital. Do you think it’s possible for America to create a similar high speed rail in this current political and economic climate?

2. Shinji Sogō pushed back against his contemporaries who thought that highways and airlines would soon make railways obsolete. What are your thoughts on this? Does a country need to pick a path between highways and railways? Or can they exist together?

3. Currently there is a political debate over which direction America should take its next stage of infrastructure development. If trains and railed transportation are adopted what are some potential issues you could imagine arising as the US transitions away from airlines and highways.

References

Ait Ali, Abderrahman, and Jonas Eliasson. "European railway deregulation: an overview of the market organization and capacity allocation." Transportmetrica A: Transport Science 18.3 (2022): 594-618.

Chou, Jui-Sheng, et al. "Pricing policy of floating ticket fare for riding high-speed rail based on time-space compression." Transport Policy 69 (2018): 179-192.

Lawrence, Martha, Richard Bullock, and Ziming Liu. China's high-speed rail development. World Bank Publications, 2019.

Nonaka, Nobuhide, et al. "28 GHz-Band experimental trial at 283 km/h using the Shinkansen for 5G evolution." 2020 IEEE 91st Vehicular Technology Conference (VTC2020-Spring). IEEE, 2020.

Sato, Kenji, Hirokazu Kato, and Takafumi Fukushima. "Development of SiC applied traction system for Shinkansen high-speed train." 2018 International Power Electronics Conference (IPEC-Niigata 2018-ECCE Asia). IEEE, 2018.

Smile, Vaclav. "5. Dealing with Risk and Uncertainty." Global Catastrophes and Trends. PubPub, 2020.

Tomikawa, Tadaaki, and Mika Goto. "Efficiency assessment of Japanese National Railways before and after privatization and divestiture using data envelopment analysis." Transport Policy 118 (2022): 44-55.

Yavuz, Mehmet Nedim, and Zübeyde Öztürk. "Comparison of conventional high-speed railway, maglev and hyperloop transportation systems." International Advanced Researches and Engineering Journal 5.1 (2021): 113-122.

Yee, Lau Sim, et al. "Globalization and Education: Drawing Lessons from Japan for China, Malaysia, and Other Emerging Economies." Journal of Economic Studies 27.1 (2019).

17. Mamoru, Taniguchi. "High Speed Rail in Japan: A Review and Evaluation of the Shinkansen Train." UC Berkeley: University of California Transportation Center, 01 Apr. 1992, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5s48m11f

18. Central Japan Railway Company. "Central Japan Railway Company Integrated Annual Report 2021." 2021, https://global.jr-central.co.jp/en/company/ir/annualreport/_pdf/annualreport2021.pdf

Port of Newport News

This casebook is a case study on the Port of Newport News by Andrew Kearney, Trevaughn O'Neil, Walker Brock, and Jean Montanez as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government / CEIE 499-001 Special Topics in Civil Engineering Fall 2022 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government, and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Transportation Systems Casebook Under the direction of Dr. Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

The Port of Newport News, known as the Newport News Marine Terminal (NNMT) is one of six terminals of the Port of Virginia owned by the Virginia Port Authority (VPA), an agency under the Commonwealth of Virginia under the auspices of the Virginia Secretary of Transportation and operated by the VPA's private subsidiary, Virginia International Terminals LLC (VIT). Located in Newport News, Virginia, NNMT covers around 57 hectares, 165 acres on the north bank of the James River, and specializes in services such as warehousing, heavy-lift cranes, breakbulk, and roll-on/roll-off capabilities. These services provided by NNMT help make the Port of Virginia the third largest port on the East Coast and help attract other industries to the Virginia Commonwealth and Newport News region such as distribution and manufacturing. The NNMT is the VPA’s main terminal for break-bulk and roll-on/roll-off services. Boasting world class services and operations, the port is the fastest growing in the United States, and is a driver for commerce and economic growth in the region because of its large employment of ten percent of Virgina's workforce, and access to major roadways such as Interstate 664, Interstate 64, US Route 17 and US Route 60 and over 36,000 feet of rail lines connecting to the Midwest. Through its specialized services, NNMT helps support Naval Station Norfolk, the world's largest naval base with shipbuilding and repairs as well as serving as a focal point of cooperation and support for numerous federal customer such as the Coast Guard, U.S. Navy, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, and Customs and Border Protection.

Virginia Port Authority is the Agency that owns the Port of Virginia and NNMT

History

Origins of “Newport News”

The city of Newport News was officially founded in 1896 but the area and harbor had a longer history reaching back to the 1600s. Originally an area of land claimed by the Virginia Company (a British trading company focusing on the colonization of eastern North America), the name supposedly comes from Captain Christopher Newport who would voyage several times to Newport and could give news of supplies. Around 1881 Newport News began a large amount of industrialization with the help of two large companies, the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad which extended into Newport News in 1881, and the Newport News Shipbuilding and Drydock Company which began around 1886. Both companies were owned by Collis P. Huntington, an American Industrialist, who led the Peninsula Extension which expanded the railroad into Newport. This expansion eventually leads to the founding of the City of Newport News in 1896.

Newport News Navy Shipbuilding, and World War I and II

The Newport News Shipbuilding company quickly began making ships for the US military. By 1897 they had made 3 Gunboats for the Navy, the Nashville, the Wilmington, and the Helena. By 1906 they had built 5 Battleships, the Kearsarge, the Kentucky, the Illinois, the Missouri, and the Virginia. The US entered World War 1 in 1917 after the sinking of the Lusitania, and production of ships skyrocketed, with Newport News making at least 25 Battleships for the Navy. During this time there was also a shortage of housing for dock workers which led to the creation of Hilton Village, and it was financed by the government, which made it one of the first planned communities in the US. New highways were built in the area to connect the port to military camps. After the war they began creating Aircraft Carriers with the first being the USS Ranger which launched in 1933. In World War 2, Newport served a similar purpose and between 1938 and 1941 they built three more carriers, the Yorktown, the Enterprise, and the Hornet. These carriers also helped win the Battle of Midway, which was a major turning point of the war. The Enterprise would also go on to become the most decorated warship in the US Navy. Over the course of the war, the shipbuilding yards workforce more than doubled to keep up with its needs, this also led to a massive 77% increase in the town's population.

Post-War Consolidation

As the population increased a large number of people moved into the surrounding areas (mostly the Warwick area), which eventually led to issues with providing services to this large influx of people as taxes couldn’t keep up. There were a series of issues in trying to consolidate the surrounding areas between 1950 and 1955, but in 1957 the area of Warwick consolidated with Newport News becoming one city.

Shipbuilding for the Navy (Post World War II - Present)

Newport Shipbuilding continued to build more ships for the Navy, and in 1955 built the first “super-carrier” the USS Forrestal. In 1960, Newport finished their first nuclear power submarine, the Shark. In 1961, they built the Enterprise, which was the first nuclear-powered carrier. In the mid-60s Newport finished building two new carriers, the America and the Kennedy, and began working on a set of 9 nuclear power submarines. Between the early 70s to the late 2000s the shipyard mainly focused on 10 nuclear power carriers that were all designed and built in Newport. During this time, they also build 29 Los Angeles Class Submarines between ’76 and ‘96 Since 2008 they have been working the first of the new class of carriers, the Gerald R. Ford, and have been working on Virginia Class submarines.

Newport News Marine Terminal as an Infrastructure Component

Cargo going through the Port of Virginia.

Newport News Marine Terminal is an expansive port that offers 60 acres of outside storage with at least 968,000 square feet of covered storage space. The port also contains two piers that each harbor four vessel berths for expected water vessels. The pier has 3480 feet of berth space that consist of a 40 foot draft depth to accommodate approximate water vessel lengths of 850 feet. With such a large amount of space, the facility also contains 18,990 feet of Class 1 rail provided by CSX Transportation (a leading provider in rail & rail-to-truck services.) Along with the Class 1 railway the port also provides multiple passageways to places around the country, The Landside Access provided by NNMT includes roads that lead to Interstate 664 (I-664) to provide goods and services to different states, roads to US route 60 to access different cities within the Virginia Area, and access to 25th Street which is a direct road into the city of Newport News. The Waterside Access for NNMT consists of two parts. The first part of the Waterside access would be its connection to the James River. From this river water vessels are able to service the Port of Chesapeake, Hopewell, Norfolk, Portsmouth and Richmond which are all located locally in Virginia. The James River then feeds into the Chesapeake Bay which is the second part of NNMT's Waterside Access. The Chesapeake Bay is a system of Rivers that connect NNMT to other ports in the DMV area including - the Washington Navy Yard located in the District of Columbia, the Port of Annapolis and Baltimore located in Maryland, and the Port of Alexandria and Cape Charles which are located further up in Virginia. Along with the Waterside Access of the Newport News Marine Terminal is the Newport Shipyard which offers on-site refit and repair services for ocean vessels.

Infrastructure Performance

The Newport News Marine Terminal has continued to remain an efficient and dependable port throughout the years. During a time with tariff-driven trade wars, economic ruin and the Covid-19 crisis, Newport News Marine Terminal has been on top of the manufacturing and redistribution of goods. A major consequence from the pandemic was its impediment on manufacturing mostly being the production and supply of goods. Although many critical businesses remained operable the supply for goods was either halted or slowly decreased while the demand for products continued to grow. The port had to adjust to accommodate their customers who were heavily affected by the pandemic. The Marine Terminal's persistence and determination during the pandemic led to its most productive year on record. NNMT recorded "more than 3.5 million TEUs" (Twenty-foot equivalent units) starting in the year 2021. (The fiscal year started in June 2021 and ended this year in May). Stephen A. Edward the CEO and executive director acknowledged the port's success to "the entire port of Virginia team along with its supporting partners in delivering best-in-class performance." The port has also delivered exceptional ship repair to yachts, recreational boats, and commercial vessels. The Newport Shipyard has serviced a multitude of maritime vessels for customers and armed forces alike and has not had any trouble doing any carpentry, metal work, mechanical or electrical repairs to get each vessel in its best working conditions. In conclusion, NNMT has remained a vital infrastructure component that benefits the citizens of Virginia but also the Marines and Navy forces that are serviced by the port.

Funding

The Newport News terminal, like its sibling facilities nearby, is sustained mainly by the revenues it produces from its port activities. The terminal has the capacity to handle break-bulk, roll-on / roll-off cargo, shipbuilding, and large storage facilities including 60 acres of outside storage and 968,000sq ft of covered storage. According to the VPA’s 2022 Annual Comprehensive Financial report, for the international terminals the total amount of operating revenue is $873,707, while the total of operating expenses is $876,048. Additionally, the facilities also receive funds from state grants for specific new constructions or maintenance. Huntington Ingalls Industry (HII), the largest military shipbuilding company in the country has a facility in the port that focuses on building U.S. Navy nuclear aircraft carriers, submarines, refueling, complex overhaul, and carrier inactivation. Aside from its transportation connections via water, the Newport News terminal also is connected to rail transportation provided by CSX Corporation. The terminal is just off from Interstate 664 to downtown Newport News and has easy access to Interstate 64, US Route 17, and US Route 60, all of these allow for easy movements of goods from the terminal to its national and international partners. According to the VPA annual financial report, the top 5 trading partners when it comes to exports are China, Brazil, India, Netherlands, and the United Kingdom. Meanwhile, the top 5 import partners are: China, India, Germany, Italy, and Brazil.

Future Development

Dredging in the Thimble Shoal to accommodate larger ships and volumes of Cargo.

With the volume of cargo coming through NNMT steadily and consistently increasing, plans have been made for the expansion of the port to accommodate the increase in traffic through the port. The Port of Newport News is one of the fastest growing ports in the United States and helps support the world’s largest naval base. NNMT is expected to invest $1.5 Billion into its infrastructure improvements between 2015 and 2025. This has led to the implementation of the FY2022-2065 2065 Master Plan, a commitment of over more than forty years to expand the port to meet the growing needs of its customers including the U.S. armed forces, civilian customers, and the growing population in the region. The main emphasis of the Master Plan involves steady investment leading to consistent growth and connectivity with other parts of the world including South America, Asia, and Africa; and investing in increasing current capabilities. A $350M investment will be made to deepen the thimble shoal channel by 55 feet, to remove sediment build up in the water accommodate more traffic coming through the Chesapeake Bay into Norfolk Harbor and the James River and is set to be done by 2024 and become the deepest port on the East Coast. By the end of the Master Plan the NNMT will increase its status as the port best suited for warehousing, rolling cargo and breakbulk cargo. Logistical investments will also be made to update and replace old equipment at the end of their service life to accommodate the traffic and cargo volume increases. The investments for the expansion of the port will be funded by the VPA’s Capital Investment Plan (CIP), a combination of federal and state funds, and port revenue and will use a tiered approach to allocate funds towards the most in demand infrastructure projects including dredging, updating and increasing the efficiency of existing facilities, and constructing new ones. The CIP is forecasted and calculated to provide unconstrained growth through 2065 while making positive cash flow annually. The need and desire to expand the port and its infrastructure is a result of increased volume coming through the port which causes logistical issues such as congestion, delays, and increased emissions of Greenhouse Gasses such as Carbon Dioxide (Co2). The surge in volume and resulting congestion from larger ships carrying greater amounts of cargo helps increase the risk of supply chain shortages and crises, prompting a proactive effort by the VPA to increase the capacity of each port under its authority. The forty-three yearlong Master Plan encompasses not just improved infrastructure for increased port capacity and expansion of services, but also environmentally safe operations.

Extensive rail connectivity from the Port of Virginia

Environmental Impact

Another foremost aspect of the VPA Master Plan is the commitment to operate all ports, including Newport News on 100 percent clean energy by 2032 and net zero carbon emissions by 2040, operating in an eco-friendlier manner and being more energy efficient. The high degree of industrial activities in the port brings up concerns of increased pollution of air emissions and toxic chemicals leading to negative health effects such as cardiovascular disease and diabetes. This leads to the commitment of the port to operate in a manner of cutting emissions to as close to zero as possible and balancing emissions by removing an equal amount of carbon from the atmosphere as released into it. Aside from NNMT’s efforts to operate at net zero carbon emissions by 2040, the VPA has made efforts as early as 2008 to utilize operations and systems to promote sustainability and environmentally friendly operations as part of the Environmental Management System (EMS). The EMS is designed to identify environmental risks relating to port operations and begin efforts to improve efficiency. Examples of this include identifying ways to reduce air emissions, and managing waste generated from port operations, and embracing recycling practices. The EMS program is certified by the International Standards Organization, making it the first of its kind to operate on the East Coast.  

Key Figures

VA Secretary of Transportation - Ensures the state of Virginia has access to outside markets by overseeing and maintaining transportation networks and services.

Virginia Port Authority - State agency and owner of the Port of Virginia, including Newport News, reports to Secretary

Virginia International Terminals LLC - Private subsidiary of VPA who has operated the port since 1981.

Brightline Rail System

Infrastructure Past, Present, and Future Casebook/Brightline Rail System

Brightline Rail System

This casebook is a case study on the Brightline Rail System by Adam Alamin, Zachary Robinson, Fahad Saad, Rodrigo Salas, and Mireen Yabut as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-001 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Fall 2022 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Transportation Systems Casebook. Under the instruction of Prof. Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

Brightline Rail is a high-speed train that operated under “All Aboard Florida” in its early development stages. In March 2012, Florida East Coastal Industries officially announced the project launch, which would connect Miami to Orlando. After multiple agreements, foreign investments, and funding efforts, Brightline officially began service in 2018. In 2019, the second phase of construction started in order to connect West Palm Beach to Orlando. Phase 3 is the final planned phase, and it is set to link Tampa to Orlando International Airport.  

Three main challenges during the first two construction phases were faced by the companies involved: the struggle to find funding, easement acquisition resistance, and accidents. When the project was first launched, it was the only entirely privately funded railway system in the nation, but government subsidies were later provided. Brightline is currently estimated to cost $6 billion, as opposed to the original estimate of $3 billion. Current funding is centered around tax-exempt private activity bonds and, while Brightline still receives private funding, the Florida state government and the federal government are heavily involved.  

Annotated List of Actors

• High-Speed Rail Alliance (HSRA)

Ownership and Operation:

• Florida East Coast Industries LLC
• Fortress Investment Group
• AAF Holdings LLC
• AAF Operations Holdings LLC
• AAF Operations LLC

Financing:

• Florida Development Finance Corporation[1]
• United States Department of Transportation – for funding approval[1]

Timeline of Events

Origins:

• May 9th, 2007: Florida East Coastal Industries Is purchased by Fortress Investment Group.
• March 22nd, 2012: FECI announces the launch of the project "All Aboard Florida" (later Brightline), a private rail system linking Miami to Orlando.
• October 3rd, 2013: The project is approved for the rights to a plot of land along SR 528.
• August 2014: Siemens USA announces it will build Locomotives and Passenger Cars for the project.

Initial Construction Period:

• October 29th, 2014: Project All Aboard Florida begins construction in Fort Lauderdale.
• November 10th, 2015: Florida announces a new name for the High-Speed Rail: Brightline.
• December 14th, 2016: Brightline’s first trainset (BrightBlue) consisting of four passenger cars and two locomotives, arrives in West Palm Beach.

Further Development and Events:

• February 14th, 2017: Japanese company SoftBank Group purchases Fortress Investment Group for $3.3 Billion.
• March 13th, 2017: The Railway’s second trainset (BrightPink) is brought to Florida.
• May 11th, 2017: Two more trainsets, BrightGreen and BrightOrange, are brought to West Palm Beach.
• October 5th, 2017: The final Trainset (BrightRed) is delivered to Florida.
• January 13th, 2018: The project’s first ride, from West Palm Beach to Fort Lauderdale, officially marks the start of the service.
• June 2019: The second phase of construction, linking West Palm Beach to Orlando, begins.
• March 25th, 2020: Brightline suspends all project services due to the dangers of the COVID-19 Pandemic.
• November 8th, 2021: Service begins again.

Maps

Phase 1: Miami - West Palm Beach

• Operation of Phase 1 began in 2018.
• Shared use line of 65 miles with freight
• Runs at a speed of approximately 79 mph.
• Estimates of ridership in 2019 were approximately 885,000 people.

Phase 2: West Palm Beach - Orlando International Airport

• Still under construction, and plans to be operational sometime in 2022.
• Spans from West Palm Beach to Cocoa up to Orlando International Airport.

• 120-mile upgraded shared-use line.30
• Will run at speeds between 110-125 mph.
• 35-mile new dedicated high-speed line.
• The Expected annual ridership is around 3+ million.

Phase 3: Orlando International Airport - Tampa

• 85-mile proposed dedicated line in the medians of I-4 and SR 417.
• Planned to run at 125 mph.
• Currently still in the planning phase.

This grant, an extension of the U.S. Department of Transportation's Rebuilding American Infrastructure with Sustainability and Equity (RAISE) program39, is planned to include 33 miles of fencing at hotspot trespassing locations along with other extensive improvements at all 333 crossings along the corridor, which will span from Miami to Orlando.

Part of these funds will also go towards installing an additional 150 warning signs and 170 additional suicide crisis hotline signs to reach out to individuals considering suicide.

Narrative of the Case

Project Description

In 2012, All Aboard Florida, a wholly owned subsidiary of Florida East Coast Industries, announced the plan to operate a passenger rail service between Orlando and Miami (Railway Gazette). This new express service offers an alternative mode of transportation for 50 million passengers, who currently travel by air or road between Orlando and South Florida. Being an infrastructure project of such a large scale, the Brightline Railway system has been in the works for the past decade and will not be fully completed for years to come. Nevertheless, the project was broken down into 3 phases. Phase 1 connects Miami with West Palm Beach through Fort Lauderdale. Phase 2 of the Brightline high-speed rail project extends the railway from West Palm Beach to Orlando. Phase 3 will include a rail line between Orlando International Airport and Tampa.

Project Construction

Due to the magnitude of the project and its various locations, multiple general contractors were hired at different phases for distinct portions of the work involved.

Suffolk Construction was contracted by All Aboard Miami for the pre-construction and as the general contractor for the nine-acre multimodal station built in downtown Miami. Work on the Miami-West Palm Beach section began in mid-2014 with the laying of new tracks and temporary surface lot closures in Government Center, Downtown Miami. Site clearing and demolition began in late 2014.

Moss & Associates, was the general contractor for the West Palm Beach and Fort Lauderdale stations. Work on the Fort Lauderdale station also began in late 2014 with the demolition of existing structures on site.

Construction work on Phase 2, between West Palm Beach and Orlando, was officially underway in June of 2019, following a groundbreaking ceremony at Orlando International Airport. Preliminary work on the corridor began in September of 2019 and began path clearing for construction of the Orlando–Cocoa portion in October of the same year.

The contractors involved in phase 2 are Wharton-Smith, The Middlesex Corporation, Hubbard Construction Company, Granite, and HSR Constructors. These five contractors are responsible for the development of 170 miles of new track into the completed state-of-the-art intermodal facility located in the new South Terminal at Orlando International Airport. Herzog is the managing partner for the HSR Constructors joint venture constructing the express intercity passenger rail system expansion project.

Phase 1 launched on January 8th of 2018, currently running 16 daily round trips. Phase 2, after several launch date setbacks, is scheduled for launch in early 2023. While passenger trains are not yet running, Brightline began to test trains in October of 2022 at 110 mph.

In 2014, All Aboard Florida placed a contract for five train sets with Siemens USA. The first train set was delivered in December 2016, while the last was received in December 2017.

Cummins won the contract to supply the QSK95 engines for the locomotives, while the interiors of the train sets were designed by the Rockwell Group. GE Transportation was contracted to provide a signaling system for the high-speed rail service.

Florida Power & Light Company and Brightline partnered for the supply of clean biodiesel to fuel the trains. Florida Power & Light agreed to supply more than two million gallons of biodiesel-blended fuel per year under the two-year contract.

Future Development

Brightline proposes to construct a high-speed passenger rail system between Tampa and Orlando, Florida; this project is recognized as phase 3 of the Brightline Railway System. Current passenger mobility is primarily provided by highways, particularly Interstate-4 (FDOT).  The Federal Department of Transportation states that projected transportation demand and travel growth, as prompted by social demand and economic development and compared to existing and future roadway capacity, show a serious deficit in available capacity. In addition, increasing population, employment, and tourism rates continue to elevate travel demand.

New stations along Brightline’s original Phase 1 and 2 routes are also programmed for future expansion under Phase 3. While the Aventura station between Miami and Fort Lauderdale is currently under construction, Brightline intends to connect its railway system 3 new stations: Port Miami on the southeastern archipelago of the Florida peninsula, Boca Raton between Fort Lauderdale and West Palm Beach, and the Disney Springs station located on the outskirts of Orlando heading towards Tampa. Phase 3 is programmed to begin construction in 2025 with a completion date slated for July 1st, 2028.

Funding & Financing

Funding Structure

The Brightline rail system is unique because it was initially America’s only railway system that was completely privately funded. While the government does provide substantial funding to the project, the rail system is still the only privately owned and operated railway in the United States. Florida East Coast Industries, which is a fully owned subsidiary of Fortress Investment Group, owns Brightline and is responsible for its operation. The initial cost for constructing Brightline was estimated at $3 billion but current estimates have the project costing $6 billion.

In its initial construction, Brightline received heavy investment from private entities. One of those was Virgin Group which had announced in 2018 that it would become a minority investor in the project. This deal allowed Virgin Group to rename the railway to Virgin Rail but was forced to pull back due to not upholding its financial promises.

The Brightline rail system still receives private funding, however, both the federal and Florida governments have begun to invest heavily in the project. Florida officials announced in June 2022 that Brightline rail will be receiving a grant award of up to $15,875,000 in federal funding from the U.S. DOT’s Consolidated Rail Infrastructure and Safety Improvements (CRISI) Grant Program. The grant’s primary purpose is to fund preliminary engineering activities and environmental approvals.

Financing Structure

Brightline’s financial structure revolves around the selling of tax-exempt private activity bonds (PABs). These bonds are issued by Florida Development Finance Group and are valued at $2.15 billion. These bonds are primarily used to help open new routes such as its Miami-Orlando train line, and expand the service to Tampa. Due to the pandemic, ridership and revenue numbers were below projections. It had a ridership of 180,000 and a revenue of just $6 million and had to suspend the service until November 2021. In 2022, ridership has increased by 22% and revenue has increased by 66%.

Budget Allocation

In 2017, Fortress Investment Group applied for $600 million in tax-exempt bonds to construct Phase 1 of the Brightline rail. In 2019, with Phase 1 being complete, $1.75 billion tax-exempt bonds were issued to build Phase 2 and Fortress Investment Group injected $150 million equity into the project. In 2020, $950 million in tax-exempt bonds was issued to aid in the construction of Phase 2 which was 35% complete. Finally, in 2021, the project received $400 million in taxable debt to build Phase 2 which was 65% complete.

In short, Phase 1 cost $1.2 billion, and Phase 2 cost 2.1 billion. Other expenses include capacity expansion and inline station at $400 million, land and contributed assets at $800 million, pre-funded interest and debt service reserve at $800 million, and development, ramp-up, and financing costs at $700 million for a total project cost of $6 billion.

Challenges

The three main challenges that arose during both the first and second phases of construction were the battle for funding, easement acquisition resistance, and the number of accidents that occurred upon Phase 1’s completion. Easement acquisition resistance is especially apparent in the second phase as the line must now construct a completely new alignment.  

For example, when acquiring funds for the second phase of construction, All Aboard Florida originally applied for $1.75 billion in tax-exempt bonds by the USDOT but after a lawsuit by Martin County, All Aboard Florida was forced to withdraw. They then lowered their application amount to $600 million. This was preceded by a similar lawsuit from Indian River County.

Unlike Phase 1, where the alignment was based on existing and repurposed freight rail lines, Phase 2 requires a lot of acquisition of new easements through existing counties. As with the example of the lawsuits with Martin County and Indian River County, resistance arises when a noisy interruption to private property is constructed in built in people's backyards.  

There is also the glaring issue of the high rate of accidents linked to the line since its short operation time. Dubbed the “deadliest train in the nation” or “death train” the first phase is linked to more than 60 dead and hundreds of injuries. The theory is that this is a high-speed rail line going through relatively slow-moving residential areas.

Key Takeaways/Lessons Learned

Complexity of Planning

Both hard and soft planning for Brightline has proven to be difficult processes. For example, many aspects of planning this project were based on projections that ended up either over-estimating or under-estimating costs such as those pertaining to construction and contracting. This leads to the need to re-organize the funding structure. While originally fully privately funded, Brightline eventually began receiving heavy investment from the federal government and the Florida state government.

While map layouts of Brightline’s railways offer many incentives such as creating a high-speed train with minimum stops with easy accessibility to tourists and travelers, the train also cuts through downtown areas and coastal cities of Florida. Despite these promising plans, it is evident that Brightline has failed to account for the safety aspect such as the number of reckless drivers and individuals such as homeless people seeking shelter near the train tracks.  

With the ongoing construction of Phase 2 and Phase 3, these safety issues must be addressed and kept in mind to prevent more deaths and life-threatening incidents from happening.  

Economic Impacts

Brightline has been a huge economic investment for both private entities and the government who have poured billions into the project. The good news is that Brightline has aided the economy significantly. So far, Brightline has added $3.5 billion to Florida's GDP. The rail line is also responsible for $2.4 billion in labor income and $653 million in federal, state, and local tax revenue. More than 10,000 jobs are created per year through rail-line construction and more than 2,000 jobs are created post-rail-line construction.

Discussion Questions

1) Considering the three phases of Brightline’s railway construction and how only one of them is complete, is this a project worth investing $6 billion in?

2) Dubbed the “deadliest train in the nation” the first phase of the Brightline railway is linked to 60 deaths and hundreds of injuries. What are some plausible solutions to the high rate of accidents linked to the Brightline railway?

3) Considering the current track that the Brightline railway is on, what do you think the future of high-speed rail in Florida will be like? Is there a chance that it will be successful in easing the flow of traffic?

Central Park

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This casebook is a case study on New York City's Central Park by Audrey Hayes, Hunter Hill, Eryn Undan, and Wilfredo Villatoro and as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-003 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Fall 2022 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Transportation Systems Casebook. Under the instruction of Prof. Jonathan Gifford.

What is Central Park?

Central Park is a public park located in the center of Manhattan, New York City. It was the first landscaped public park ever built in the United States, as well as the most frequently visited one with over 40 million guests annually. It is owned by NYC Parks, and operated by the Central Park Conservancy. Central Park spans 843 acres and is home to a plethora of natural landscapes, attractions, and events. Today, Central Park holds events such as concerts and weddings. In addition to this, Central Park is home to several visitor centers and restaurants, along with the Central Park Zoo. As for recreational activities, visitors enjoy taking yoga classes, utilizing bike rentals, as well as picnics and horse and carriage tours within the park. Considering its many points of interest and rich history, Central Park is widely regarded as one of the most famous public parks. In fact, over 200 featured movies include Central Park in their setting, making it the most filmed public park in the world. Building Central Park cost about $14 million dollars in original construction and approximately $1 billion in restoration and maintenance costs up-to-date.

Central Park’s construction began in 1858 with the goal of fulfilling the recreational needs of residents in the growing New York City. Government officials held a competition to determine how the park would be built; a total of 33 entries were taken into account, and the

winning design “Greensward Plan” came forward as a product of Frederick Law Olmsted and his partner Calvert Vaux. Their design featured rural landscapes that would give New York City residents a way to experience more naturesque environments– without the troubles of having to travel far from the city. Olmsted believed that it was important to mold Central Park into a universal space where men, women, and children of all backgrounds were welcome.

History

Central Park is located in an area previously known as Seneca Village, which was a predominately African-American neighborhood. Seneca Village's residents were some of the only Black property owners of the early to late 1850s. This is important because of laws at the time that only allowed property owners to be able to vote. It was a safe haven for immigrants and people of color from more built up areas southern of Seneca Village. The demographics of this area were mostly Black, Irish, and some German immigrants. The land was obtained through eminent domain.

Timeline of Events

Pre-Construction

• 1825:Seneca Village is founded when John and Elizabeth Whitehead sell 200 lots of their land between what is now West 82nd to 89th Street of Central Park
• 1853:New York State Legislature passes a law that said the United States’ first major public park would be built in Manhattan between 5th and 6th Avenues
• 1857:Remaining residents are forced to vacate Seneca Village; site clearing begins
• 1858:Design competition is held to determine how Central Park should be constructed
• 1862:The Central Park design plans by Frederick Law Olmsted and Calvert Vaux are finalized
• 1863:The city purchases 64 lots from Courtlandt Palmer, a hardware business owner, as part of a plan for park extension

Construction and Opening

• 1858:Construction begins and the first section of Central Park, “The Lake”, opens to the public after only a few months
• 1876:Central Park is officially completed
• 1881:The Obelisk (Cleopatra’s Needle), which was created in Egypt about 3,500 years ago, is first displayed in Central Park
• 1934:Central Park gets a “revival” when Robert Moses is appointed NYC Parks Commissioner
• 1960:Robert Moses resigns from his position as Commissioner, without leaving any plans on how to proceed with further maintaining the park
• 1963:Central Park is officially named a National Historic Landmark
• 1979:The park’s infrastructure has been suffering for some time now; volunteer groups have been attempting to deal with these issues. Elizabeth Barlow, the director of the Central Park Task Force, is the first to hold the position of Central Park Administrator

Influence of the Central Park Conservancy to Present

• 1980:Several advocacy groups including the Central Park Task Force come together to form the Central Park Conservancy, a private non-profit group that works under contract with New York City and NYC Parks. From this point on, the Conservancy is in charge of operating and maintaining Central Park
• 1990:The Central Park Conservancy has now contributed over 50% of Central Park’s budget
• 2017:Restoration of the Ravine in North Woods was completed, which included the reconstruction of older bridges, paths, and drainage infrastructure
• 2019: Renovations of the Safari Playground (originally built in 1936) have been completed, with new creative and safe playground elements along with wheelchair accessibility ramps that lead into the space
• 2022:Construction for the restoration of the Conservatory Garden is currently ongoing; it has not been significantly restored since 1983

Institutions and Involved Actors

The initiative to build Central Park was carried out in 1951 by the New York City government under Mayor Ambrose Kingsland. Kingsland proposed to the New York City Common Council to acquire a 750-acre (300 ha) between the 59th and 106th streets and Fifth and Eighth avenues. To ensure the completion of the park, the state legislature passed a bill to authorize the appointment of four Democratic and seven Republican commissioners who had exclusive control over the planning and construction of Central Park. There was a design contest that received 33 entries. The commission selected the Greensward Plan, submitted by Frederick Law Olmsted, a writer and farmer from Connecticut, and Calvert Vaux, a young English architect.

The construction required workers to move nearly 5 million cubic yards of stone, earth, and topsoil, build 36 bridges and arches, and construct 11 overpasses over transverse roads. The park also required the plantation of 500,000 trees, shrubs, and vines. Over 20,000 workers were needed to build Central Park, most of them Irish and German immigrants who were underpaid, overworked, and uninsured.

Upon the park's completion, there was no board to oversee the park's maintenance, which led to contamination and deterioration of the park in the upcoming decades. In the early 1900s, advocacy groups were formed, such as the Parks and Playground Association, the Parks Conservation Association, and the Central Park Association. These associations were merged into the Park Association of New York City in 1928. Despite the presence of the Park Association of New York City, the lack of funding and expansion led to a decaying state of Central Park as New Yorkers shifted their attention to other sites such as Coney Island and Broadway Theaters.

Central Park experienced a revival in 1934 when Mayor Fiorello La Guardia appointed Robert Moses as NYC Parks Commissioner. Moses received federal funding to develop massive planning projects citywide, including 19 playgrounds, ballfields, handball courts, and Wollman Rink in Central Park. The estimated funding received from the federal government was 2 million dollars ($43 million today). Moses would remain as NYC Parks Commissioner until 1960.

As usual, the park again started to face contamination, deterioration, and pollution, which was neglected due to the lack of budget to sustain a significant renovation of Central Park. In 1975, the Central Park Task Force was founded to raise capital for the revival of Central Park. In 1980, a 200-million-dollar endowment was given to Central Park under the efforts of the Central Park Conservancy. The Central Park Conservancy continued to fundraise money for renovations which have averaged between 50 to 100 million every decade in addition to the yearly budget. In 1993, the Conservancy and the City signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) recognizing the Conservancy as the entity responsible for the day-to-day maintenance and operation of the park. The agreement was renewed in 2006 and again in 2013, reiterating the City's continued trust in the Conservancy. The current contract will expire in 2013, when a new deal may be settled.

Funding and Financing

• 1851 to 1965: Total cost of park was 14 million U.S Dollars which was 7 million more than the estimated 5 million. The land itself was 7.1 million dollars which was almost the same amount Alaska was purchased from Russia in 1867.
• 1928: The Park Association of New York City is created which allocates a yearly budget to the maintenance of the park.
• 1934: The federal program New Deal granted Robert Moses with 2 million dollars to renovate the park.
• 1975: The Central Park Task Force is founded, which led to the creation of the Central Park Conservancy.
• 1980: A 200-million-dollar endowment was given to Central Park.
• 1986: The Conservancy’s first capital campaign raised $50 million over a five-year period.
• 1993: Through overwhelming support of thousands of New Yorkers and many corporations and foundations, the Conservancy raised a total of nearly $77.2 million, which is used to restore the Park’s remaining major landscapes—Summit Rock, Merchant’s Gate, Naturalist’s Walk, Turtle Pond, the Great Lawn, and North Meadow.
• 2006: The Conservancy launches the Campaign for Central Park, $100 million including $50 million capital for major landscapes remaining to be restored (Lake and Met to Meer), and $50 million for long-term operating support. Campaign is expanded to include additional capital projects, increasing the total campaign to $126 million.
• 2013: The Conservancy secured a $100 million gift towards restoration and management of the Park. Roughly half is directed toward a 10-year capital program for the park. 60 million dollars are given from the city towards the estimated $170 million capital program.
• 2022: Negotiations have begun between the Conservancy and New York City, which might reach an unprecedented 300-million-dollar donation from the City.

Economic Benefits and Consequences

The current value of the land in Central Park is estimated to be about $528.8 billion. A 2009 study found that the park increased the city’s annual tax revenue by more than $656 million, visitors spent more than $395 million due to the park, in-park businesses such as concessions generated $135.5 million, and the 4,000 hours of annual film shoots and other photography generated $135.6 millions of economic output. In 2013, about 550,000 people lived within a ten-minute walk (about 0.5 miles or 0.80 kilometers) of the park's boundaries, and 1.15 million more people could get to the park within a half-hour subway ride.

In 2014 the Central Park Conservancy directly employed 453 people, with a payroll of nearly $21.4 million; and spent approximately $15 million on purchases of goods and services (including construction) from New York City businesses. Visits to Central Park in 2014 are estimated to have totaled 41.8 million, an average of nearly 115,000 visits per day. Using data obtained from the New York City Department of Finance, we estimate that in fiscal year 2014, proximity to Central Park added more than $26.0 billion to the market value of properties on the blocks closest to the park – from Lexington Avenue on the east to Amsterdam Avenue on the west, and from 53rd Street on the south to 116th Street on the north.

Maps

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• 
• 

Takeaways

1. Central Park’s initial price seems steep but has ultimately worth it
2. Parks within cities are one of  the few non-rival non-excludable aspects
3. Equal accessibility was a key goal by Olmsted “The larger a town becomes simply because of its advantages for commercial purposes, the greater will be the convenience available to those who live in and near”[12]
4. Central Park not only provides a lot for the community but also increases the value in the property around it significantly.
5. Thanks to good planning, the park is accessible via the 1,2,3,4,5,6,A,B,C,D,N,E,Q, and M trains either directly on at, or within a short walking distance, not to mention being the heart of Manhattan

Discussion Questions

• The maintenance of Central Park is above 50+ million per year, which only directly supports less than 1,000 jobs. Is this expensive budget line item justifiable?
• The presence of Central Park directly increases the cost of land, making it a highly commercial area. Should Central Park be replicated in other cities, given the risk of displacing communities?
• Is the success of Central Park directly related to its massive 840 acres of land, or would multiple smaller parks have had the same effect?
• The response time of public safety officials to Central Park is increased significantly due to its size. Should scenery be sacrificed to increase public safety?

Venetian Flood Control (MOSE)

This is a case study on the Modulo Sperimentale Elettromeccanico (MOSE), Experimental Electromechanical Module, by Julian Klien, Samuel Gray, Lucas Suter, and De'Elian Paul. As part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government / CEIE 499-001, Special Topics in Civil Engineering, Fall 2022 capstone course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Transportation Systems Casebook under the instruction of Prof. Jonathan Gifford.

Summary

The MOSE (Modulo Sperimentale Elettromeccanico, Experimental Electromechanical Module) project is an attempt to prevent flooding in the city of Venice, and its surrounding villages, through the installation of 78 mobile gates or barriers which will separate the Venetian Lagoon from the Adriatic Sea. It was also made to resist waves up to 3 meters (9.8 ft) above the normal tide levels. The MOSE has the ability to prevent floods during acqua alta (a period of high-water flooding from October-March in the Adriatic Sea). With barriers at 3 different locations ranging from 20-30 meters in length.

Consorzio Venezia Nuova has been entrusted to carry out the project by the Venice Water Authority. The construction work on the project began in 2003, after much delay it is expected to be ready for use in 2023. When completed, it will safeguard Venice and the villages located within the Venetian Lagoon from flooding, and prevent the further rise of the sea level to protect industries such as tourism, trading, and others.

The MOSE is a major infrastructure project, as it has been tasked with protecting Venice, a city that is important to all of society for its abundance of history. In addition, MOSE battles an increasing problem for coastal cities and settlements across the globe in rising sea levels. If successful the project provides itself as a potential blueprint to help coastal settlements. Despite its significance, it has that has been marred by many complications. Deterrents like corruption, extremely long delays, a ballooning budget, and negative environmental impact have overshadowed the potential good it could do for Venice.

History

Early Venetian History

Venice was founded in the fifth century as refugees from Lombard conquests settled on the 118 islands that spread across the Venetian lagoon.1 For the first centuries of its history, the city shifted hands between the Byzantine Empire in the East and the various Frankish kingdoms that at different times ruled Italy in the East. The city’s location between two empires gave it increased political importance, and this combined with a period of political stability beginning in the 9th century led to the formalization of the city as an independent state ruled by an elected Doge in 1032. This election led to centuries of Venetian dominance in Mediterranean trade and gave it its status as a crucial port city.2 The level of water in the lagoon has always been a concern, but historically a lack of water has been a greater concern than any flooding.3

MOSE Becomes the Choice for Venice

Following the 1966 flood, solutions to rising water levels in the city were stalled by political fights for seven years. Finally in 1973, a law was passed opening the government to proposals of ways to save the city from the sea. By 1980 six of these proposals had been accepted under the auspices of Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (CNR), a government science and technology research commission. They transferred authority over the proposals to the Ministry of Public Works later that year, and by 1981 the ministry proposed the setting up of fixed and mobile barriers at inlets into the lagoon to prevent flooding. From 1982 to 1989 the corporation Consorzio Venezia Nuova went through the process of designing a proposal for the project. In 1994, the Higher Council of Public Works approved the project, and following an environmental impact survey, construction began on MOSE in 2003.5 Between the great flood that inspired the project and the breaking of ground for its construction, 37 years had passed.

Environment and Venetian Lagoon

Geography and Location

The city of Venice sits in the Venetian lagoon, with the many islands inside the lagoon itself. This environment was created due to the settlement of sediments along the coast, river and sediment runoff, land subsidence, anthropogenic factors, and with the effect of waves and currents from the Adriatic Sea. The lagoon is separated from the sea by three inlets – the Chioggia, Malamocco and Lido. These inlets are also the routes for water, and ships to enter and leave the lagoon.

Modern Issues with the Lagoon

In the modern era, flooding has been far more of a concern than low water level for Venetians. Since 1923, when records on floods in the floating city first began, its squares and buildings have filled with water a number of times. The two most notable incidents of modern Venetian flooding are the great floods of 1966 (still the highest water has ever risen in Venice with 194 cm above sea level) and 2019 (which came within 7 centimeters of the record). It is this modern flooding, exacerbated by climate change, that cause the city to seek a new technological solution to their problems beginning with the 1966 flood.4 

Environmental Causes for the Floods

Several factors must occur for floods to develop in Venice. There are environmental factors mainly within the Venetian lagoon, the Adriatic Sea, and the meteorological phenomena in the Mediterranean Sea and Southern Europe. First, the sirocco winds, hot air winds, coming from northern Africa mix with the cooler air above the Mediterranean Sea.17 These winds then mix cooler winds from Eastern Europe along the Adriatic Sea until they reach the Venetian Lagoon. Second, after the sirocco winds mixed with the cooler winds reach the lagoon, high tides push even more water into the lagoon and “trap” the water from going back into the Adriatic Sea. Third is the settlement of the land itself, which occurs to soil after a prolonged period due to man-made construction. A century ago, the sea level was 27 centimeters (about 10.63 in) lower in the city and lowering by about 1 mm (about 0.04 in) every year.17

Anthropogenic Causes for the Floods

A representation of how the settlers dug and stuck logs into the ground for soil stabilization.

When the settlers first decided to establish themselves in the lagoon, they had to find ways to do it in what were marshes, mud flats, swamps, and soft soil. To accomplish this, the settlers decided to dig in and shove logs into the mud to create a foundation for the buildings19. This was a genius idea at the time. The logs did not rot due to having no contact with oxygen, and instead hardened over time. However, like with any building, settlement occurs, and the foundations start sinking.

MOSE Characteristics and Functionality

Objective and Purpose

MOSE is designed to stop floods from occurring in the city of Venice and it can resist waves up to 3 meters (9.8 ft) above the normal tide levels. MOSE is capable of preventing floods during acqua alta (a period of high-water flooding from October-March in the Adriatic Sea). The deployment of MOSE, is a response to water levels above 110 cm (3 ft 7 inches approximately), which can alter daily activities for citizens, tourists and port activities.

Operational Aspects

MOSE consists of 78 mobile barriers, located underwater when not in operation. The barriers are placed at 3 different entrances into the lagoon. Each barrier is 20-30 meters in length (66-98 ft) and 20 meters wide depending on the necessity, the MOSE barriers can be deployed at different times. However, it takes the barriers 30 minutes to be fully raised and 15 minutes to restore the barriers to its resting position

To elevate the barrier's, a decision is made within the control room from the data presented to the operators. Once the decision to raise the barriers is made, compressed air is sent into the barriers driving out the water that once kept the barriers submerged. This causes the barriers to emerge above the surface within 30 minutes. The average inlet closure into the lagoon, is approximately 3-5 hours. To lower the barriers, water is allowed back into the barriers, releasing the air and causing the barriers to submerge back underwater into its resting position within 15 minutes.

MOSE has a safety increment in place, in order to counter unnecessary deployments. This parameter is put in place because it compensates for potential daily tidal forecast mishaps, in accordance with the sea level within the lagoon. As forecasters place a 10 cm parameter upon their predictions, the MOSE system operators are believed to add an additional 10 cm deviation to add more buffer for potential mistakes

MOSE Failures

Due to inaccurate data, MOSE has been bypassed by high-tides as a result of the system operators being given inaccurate information on the incoming weather/water forecasts. Researchers have a belief that the deployment of MOSE could have a negative effect on the sediment deposit located within the lagoon in the future. As the disruption of the natural events occurs, the lagoons ecosystem would suffer as a repercussion. The more MOSE is being utilized; the harbors activities are hindered because of the barrier's denial of entry

When is MOSE expected to be fully operational?

Expected to be fully operational December 2023 after several delays.

Construction

Construction on the project began in 2003 under the control of the Consorzio Venezia Nuova, a subset of the Ministry of Infrastructure and Transportation.1 Funding for the project came from two main sources. First, the Interministerial Committee for Economic Programming disbursed 3.8 billion of the project’s 7 billion Euro price tag in a series of installments beginning in 2002 and ending in 2011. The remaining funds were provided by the Committee for Policy, Coordination, and Control.2 The project was initially set for completion in 2011. However, delays caused mainly by problems with erosion have continued to push back this date, and it now seems the project will be completed in 2023.3 The repeated delays, corruption issues, and cost increases have generated much controversy around its construction, and the arrest of dozens of government officials. Sections of the project were successfully tested in 2020, however, and it does seem like the project will truly be up and running this year.4

Criticism

MOSE is not without its critics. The controversies mentioned above have made many in the Italian public view the project as a waste of time and money, as well as an avenue for government corruption. Additionally, when the project is finally completed, there are many who say it will be more trouble than it is worth. The crucial gates that will be raised to keep rising waters out of the lagoon will also keep water inside, creating concerns about sewage buildup that could kill the region’s ecosystem.

Furthermore, the gates are not activated until water rises higher than 110 cm, 20 cm higher than the level necessary to flood such Venetian landmarks as St. Mark’s Basilica. There are concerns that even when the project is completed, it will not be able to stop the perpetual low-level flooding that could become Venice’s reality by 2100.5 Venetians have expressed their opposition to this project in protests like one that occurred in November of 2019. A memorable image of this protest is demonstrators marching through the highest floodwaters the city had seen in decades as they opposed the only plan the government has had to deal with them since 1982.

Economic impact and Public opinion

Economic

Picture of a tourist standing by a boat

Since the MOSE won’t be fully operational it wouldn’t be possible to tie an exact number to its economic contributions. Yet, once it is functioning it will be indirectly contributing billions of dollars by protecting the future of industries that are reliant of the coastal area’s physical attributes. One industry that will greatly affected is tourism, an industry, that provides around 2 billion euros to the city. Due to its famous Italian architecture and world renown beauty the city attracts over 20 million visitors annually. If the city continues to sink the tourism industry will be negatively impacted as people won’t be able to walk around and sight-see, spend money at local restaurants, shops, hotels, and other places of business placing a large hit on the city’s profits.

Though, the project has been financially taxing as it once was projected to cost 1.8 billion euros skyrocketed to 5.2 billion euros in 2014.23 The price has again increased in recent times as the total price come out to around 7 billion euros. Lastly, there is speculation that there will be a small increase in cost for port activities as the mobile barriers cause delays in entering and exiting the lagoon.

Social impact

The MOSE project has already begun to receive criticism from the public for its delays, costs, and more infamously corruption. Starting in 2013 there were arrest made on charges of embezzlement, laundering, fraud, and corruption.22 The accused group of 35 people included entrepreneurs, politicians, and bureaucrats.23 Investigations revealed that 25 million euros of illicit funds were channeled through the project. In addition that 1 billion euros have been stolen from the project's funds since the start of construction.

In addition, the public is concerned it won’t properly protect against flooding to preserve the architecture that’s made the entire city and its lagoon a UNESCO heritage site. The MOSE’s existence was partially created was to keep the city from major floods, in order to keep its lucrative tourism industry alive, which has become a problem for the locals of Venice. The city of Venice and its citizens have suffered from over tourism it has contributed to overcrowding, increase of cost of living, and environmental degradation. So, the MOSE protects an industry that negatively affects the local's quality of life. Despite that, it is an attempt to protect the tourism and trade industries that thousands of Venetians rely on for jobs.

Discussion Questions

Should the Venetian government abandon funding the MOSE development, as it may bring relief to businesses and protecting the city but could have irreversible damages to the lagoon's ecosystem?​

Should Venice and its citizens start thinking about life after the sea level reaches a height where life is no longer possible in the city?​

Since the entire of city of Venice is a UNESCO World Heritage site, should other countries help fund MOSE to preserve it?​

References

1. UNESCO. (n.d.). Venice and its Lagoon. UNESCO World Heritage Centre. Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/394/

2. Encyclopedia Britannica, inc. (n.d.). History of Venice. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://www.britannica.com/place/Venice/History

3. Public Broadcasting Service. (n.d.). Nova | transcripts | Sinking City of Venice. PBS. Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/transcripts/2914_venice.html

4. BBC. (2019, November 13). Venice floods: Climate change behind highest tide in 50 years, says mayor. BBC News. Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-50401308

5. Verdict media limited. Water Technology. (n.d.). Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://www.water-technology.net/projects/mose-project/

6. Consorzio Venezia Nuova. MOSE Venezia. (n.d.). Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://www.mosevenezia.eu/consorzio-venezia-nuova/?lang=en

7. Verdict media limited. Water Technology. (n.d.). Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://www.water-technology.net/projects/mose-project/

8. Epic floodgates defend Venice from flooding. Atlas of the Future. (2021, December 3). Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://atlasofthefuture.org/project/mose-project/

9. BBC. (2020, July 10). Venice test brings up floodgates for First Time. BBC News. Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-53361958

10. BBC. (n.d.). Italy's plan to save Venice from sinking. BBC Future. Retrieved November 11, 2022, from https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20220927-italys-plan-to-save-venice-from-sinking

11. Protests in Venice against Mose and the mayor. (n.d.). Retrieved November 11, 2022, from http://www.italianinsider.it/?q=node/8762

12. Vergano, L., Umgiesser, G., & Nunes, P. A. L. D. (2010, May 1). An economic assessment of the impacts of the MOSE barriers on Venice Port Activities. Transportation Research Part D: Transport and Environment. Retrieved November 8, 2022, from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1361920910000520

13. Polomé, P., Marzetti, S., & Veen, A. van der. (2005, October 25). Economic and social demands for coastal protection. Coastal Engineering. Retrieved November 8, 2022, from https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0378383905001031

14. Hardy Paula Guardian News and Media. (2019, April 30). Sinking city: How Venice is managing Europe's worst tourism crisis. The Guardian. Retrieved November 8, 2022, from https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2019/apr/30/sinking-city-how-venice-is-managing-europes-worst-tourism-crisis

15. Eaglescliffe, B. (2018, March 16). Venice, Italy is being destroyed by tourism and flooding. WanderWisdom. Retrieved November 8, 2022, from https://wanderwisdom.com/travel-destinations/Venice-Tourism-Sinking

16. Warren, K. (n.d.). Disappointing photos show what Venice looks like in real life, from devastating floods to cruise ship accidents. Business Insider. Retrieved November 8, 2022, from https://www.businessinsider.com/disappointing-photos-show-venice-italy-expectation-vs-reality-2018-12

17. Mikhailova, M. (2021). Floods in the Venetian Lagoon and Their Causes. Water Resources, 48(5), 654-665. doi: 10.1134/s0097807821050134

18. Control Room. (n.d.). Retrieved November 4, 2022, fromhttps://www.mosevenezia.eu/control-room/

19. Buckley, Julia (2022). The flood barriers that might save Venice. Retrieved November 4,https://www.cnn.com/travel/article/mose-venice-flood-barriers/index.html

20. Venice Holds Back the Adriatic Sea. (2021). Retrieved November 4, 2022, from https://earthobservatory.nasa.gov/images/149151/venice-holds-back-the-adriatic-sea

21. https://www.ansa.it/english/news/general_news/2022/05/06/venice-mose-flood-barriers-to-be-completed-dec-2023_69c966b3-197b-4564-baaa-571996fc3655.html

22. Olga Chiappinelli, Political corruption in the execution of public contracts, Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, Volume 179, 2020, Pages 116-140, ISSN 0167-2681, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2020.08.044. (https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0167268120303231)

23. Porta, D. d., Sberna, S., & Vannucci, A. (2015). Centripetal and Centrifugal Corruption in Post-democratic Italy, Italian Politics, 30(1), 198-217. Retrieved Nov 11, 2022, from https://www.berghahnjournals.com/view/journals/italian-politics/30/1/ip300112.xml

Summary of Dutch Dikes

The Ditch Dikes are Netherland's most important invention. Dikes are man-built buildings that protect against natural factors such as water, temperature, and altitude. They are generally composed of local materials. Various degrees and intensities of flooding have occurred in the Netherlands over the ages, from rivers as well as the sea. With the country being below sea level, The area is vulnerable and at a constant threat of experiencing floods. To prevent future floods, the Netherlands created their most important invention, which is the Dikes [1]. A dike is a barrier used to prevent and hold back water from a river, lake, or ocean. This invention provided defense against storm surges from the sea; it helped to solve the most important issue to the vulnerable, densely populated country from flooding. The American Society of Civil Engineers has declared the Dutch Dikes, Netherlands Protection Works, as one of the great wonders of the modern world. [21]

Timeline of Events

8th century

For millennia, the Dutch have been building dams, dikes, and other flood defenses. Because of the frequent floods, the early residents of the Netherlands located their villages on hills. The Dutch constructed their first dams, dikes, and dunes in the eighth century. The Netherlands' flood defenses increased as the country became wealthier and more popular. [8]

1918-1975, Zuiderzee Works

On 1918 June 14th, The Dutch parliament passed the law establishing the Zuiderzee Works. In Dutch, Zuirderzee means “Southern Sea”. The Dutch's Zuirderzee work refers to Lely’s plan of building dams and dikes to close off the Zuiderzee and turn it into a lake. The goal of this closure was to guard the Southern Sea from flooding. [10]

Using Lely’s plan, In the 1930s, the Netherlands built the Afsluitdijk; connecting between north and west of the Netherlands while closing off the Southen Sea to safeguard and protect the Netherlands' center region from flooding. In 1932 the dike was finished and on September 25th, 1933, the Afsluitdijk was officially opened. [9]

Between 1937- 1942, artificial lands were reclaimed on the Southern Sea to use as agricultural lands to safeguard food for the people of the Netherlands. The first reclaimed land, Wieringermeerpolder was constructed between 1927–1930, followed by Noordoostpolder in 1937–1942, Oostelijk Flevoland in1950–1957, and Zuidelijk Flevoland in 1959–1968. These lands provide nearly ten percent of the total arable lands in the country. [11]

Later between 1963-1975, the Houtribdijk dike with two artificial islands was built to complete the Zuirderzee works and connects between the Enkhuizen and the Flevolands while dividing the IJsselmeer river into northern and southern parts. [12]

1950-1997, Delta Works

On the night of 31st January 1953, a disaster flood occurred when the North Sea attacked with a ferocity that dramatically destroyed and deconstructed the country. This caused the Dutch government to implement Van Veen's plan to close the estuaries in the southwestern region of the Netherlands. [6]

Delta works were named after the delta region of the three rivers (Meuse, Scheldt, and Rhyne), in which most of the floods came in. The planned work was focused on the delta region, therefore, they built dikes to connect the three rivers which would result in being flood defenders that would protect the Southwestern part of the Netherlands, also known as Zeeland. There are thirteen delta works that successfully created protection against flooding in the Zeeland region from the North Sea. All of the projects were built between 1954 and 1997, and none of the dikes built have ever failed since they were put into service.

In 1958, Delta's work first flood defender was built-in Hollandsche IJssel. Followed by Zandkreekdam in 1960, Veerse Gatdam in 1961, Grevelingendam in 1965, Volkerakdam in 1969, Haringvlietdam in 1971, Brouwersdam in 1972 Oosterscheldekering in 1986 Bathse Spuisluis, Oesterdam, and Philipsdam in 1987 Maeslantkering and Hartelkering in 1997. [7]

File:Delta Works.png

The Thirteen Delta Works built around the Delta Region in Zeeland (Southwest Netherlands).

Annotated List of Actors

-Engineer Cornelis Lely designed the Zuiderzee works plan. With the Netherlands being vulnerable to floods, Lely drew up the basic design plan of building dikes and dams to prevent and hold back the water. The Afsluitdijk was constructed based on Lely’s plan which was first developed in 1892. [13]

- Engineer Johan Van Veen: he is considered the father of the Delta Works for acquiring great urgency for flood defenses after the disaster of 1953 flood. His warning described the risks and included a flood defenses plan in the Southwestern region of the Netherlands (now called the Delta Works plan). [14]

- In 1957, the flood defenses plan of the Delta Works was passed by the Dutch Parliament. A year later the senate and Queen Juliana signed it to begin the work. [15]

Funding and financing

Considering the funding and financing of the Dutch dikes system, each dike has its own story as they were not simultaneously built. Talking about the Delta Works system of dikes is a series of construction projects in the southwest of the Netherlands to protect a large area of land around the Rhine–Meuse–Scheldt delta from the sea. Constructed between 1954 and 1997, the works consist of dams, sluices, locks, dykes, levees, and storm surge barriers located in the provinces of South Holland and Zeeland.

The aim of the dams, sluices, and storm surge barriers was to shorten the Dutch coastline, thus reducing the number of dikes that had to be raised. Along with the Zuiderzee Works, the Delta Works have been declared one of the Seven Wonders of the Modern World by the American Society of Civil Engineers.

The projects of the Delta system are financed with the Delta Fund corporation. In 1958, when the Delta law was accepted under the Delta Works Commission, the total costs were estimated at 3.3 billion guilders. The Delta works were financed by Netherlands’ national budget, with a contribution of the Marshall Plaof n 400 million guilders. In addition, the Dutch natural gas discovery contributed massively to the finance of the project. At completion in 1997, costs were set n 8.2 billion guilders [2]. However, in 2012 the total costs were already set at around $13 billion [3].

Due to climate change and relative sea-level rise, the dikes will eventually have to be made higher and wider. The needed level of flood protection and the resulting costs are a recurring subject of debate and involve a complicated decision-making process. In 1995 it was agreed in the Delta Plan Large Rivers and Room for the River projects that about 500 kilometers of insufficient dyke revetments were reinforced and replaced along the Oosterschelde and Westerschelde between 1995 and 2015. After 2015, under the High-Water Protection Program, additional upgrades are made.

In September 2008, the Delta Commission presided by a politician Cees Veerman advised in a report that the Netherlands would need a massive new building program to strengthen the country's water defenses against the anticipated effects of global warming for the next 190 years. The plans included drawing up worst-case scenarios for evacuations and included more than €100 billion, or $144 billion, in new spending through the year 2100 for measures, such as broadening coastal dunes and strengthening sea and river dikes. The commission said the country must plan for a rise in the North Sea of 1.3 meters by 2100 and 4 meters by 2200 [4].

Zuider Zee Works

Considering the Zuiderzee Works, is a man-made system of dams and dikes, land reclamation, and water drainage work, in total the largest hydraulic engineering project undertaken by the Netherlands during the twentieth century. The project involved the damming of the Zuiderzee, a large, shallow inlet of the North Sea, and the reclamation of land in the newly enclosed water using polders. Its main purposes are to improve flood protection and create additional land for agriculture.

The first step in the plan was to enclose the Zuiderzee by building a 20-mile-long dam across the bay. Something like this had never been done before, so the Dutch engineers made the wise decision to start by building a much shorter dam out to the island of Wieringen which would form the first part of the enclosure of the bay. The experience gained in the exercise was valuable when the longer dam, the Afsluitdijk, was built from the other side of Wieringen across the bay to the village of Zurich in 1927.

The Afsluitdijk project consists of the design, reconstruction, financing, operation, and maintenance of a 32km dyke that runs between Friesland and Den Oever in North Holland.

The existing structure is over 85 years old and is an important Dutch landmark. However, its flood control capacity does not meet modern standards. The Afsluitdijk was first completed in 1932 and closed off the saltwater Zuiderzee, turning it into a freshwater lake known today as IJsselmeer. Total funding for the project amounts to roughly 835 million Euros ($974 million). Lenders will provide around €815 million, guaranteed by the European Fund for Strategic Investments (EFSI).

Long-term debt amounts to €660 million, of which the European Investment Bank (EIB) will provide €330 million under a 30-year facility. Additionally, there are two milestone facilities for a total of €100 million, and an equity bridge loan of about €60 million.

The lenders on the deal comprise:

• Belfius Bank
• DekaBank
• EIB

• KfW IPEX-Bank
• Landesbank Baden-Württemberg (LBBW)
• Rabobank

KfW IPEX-Bank will provide about €124 million, with DekaBank and LBBW lending similar amounts. Contributions from Belfius Bank and Rabobank are smaller. Rabobank will not provide long-term debt. Pricing on the debt is partly fixed and partly floating, with the floating-rate portion covered by interest rate swaps. Pricing on the long-term debt for this availability-based scheme is thought to be between 100bp and 110bp over Euribor.

This level was considered too low for many of the banks which have provided debt for Dutch infrastructure PPPs in the past, meaning they did not lend on this deal and are unlikely to be involved in the upcoming transactions, some have said. The tenor on long-term commercial debt is 25 years post-construction, or around 30 years in total. While no institutional investors are lending to the project, a limited sell down of debt is envisaged for after the financial close with German institutional investors expected to take interest. However, this is not expected to amount to a substantial proportion of the overall debt [5].

Institutional arrangements:

The barrier, which spanned 32 kilometers and held back the Wadden Sea, was one of the biggest technical accomplishments of its day, and it is credited with sparing huge portions of the nation from catastrophic floods in 1953. However, while the Afsluitdijk has remained stable for over a century, increasing sea levels and heavier storms mean that Dutch authorities are now investing USD $617 million to fortify the structure so that it can resist a one-in-ten-thousand-year storm event. This nation-saving seawall is being supersized by using 75,000 concrete blocks, building additional drainage locks, and utilizing cutting-edge technology. When the building of the Afsluitdijk began in 1927, it was one of the world's greatest ventures of its kind, requiring more than 36 million cubic meters of material to span the 32-kilometer mouth of the Zuiderzee. Ships began dredging material and dropping it straight into the bottom in four sites throughout the length of the dyke until it broke the surface. While numerous modest renovations and enhancements have been done to the dike in recent years, increasing sea levels and an increase in the frequency and intensity of storms have left the dike in desperate need of serious reinforcement - and 2019 witnessed the commencement of a major strengthening project. While extending the height of the Afsluitdijk was explored, this option would need significantly more material and would significantly increase the project's cost.[18]

Dikes Engineers will instead reinforce the dike by placing a layer of concrete reinforcing blocks throughout its length, avoiding erosion and breaches during severe storms. Each of these blocks will be microchipped to make future tracing and maintenance easier. While passive sluice gates were originally placed into the barrier to discharge water from the lake twice daily at low tides, the difference in water level on each side of the dike at low tide is no longer sufficient to provide for adequate drainage to the Wadden Sea. Two of Europe's largest pumping stations will be erected near the sluice gates to prevent the lake from being swamped by the rivers that feed it. The dyke's locks will also be extended to allow for easier boat access, and the A7 causeway will be widened.[19]

Narrative of the Case

The evolvement of dikes of carefully stacked clay to pile dikes into high-tech sensor dikes did not happen overnight. Already in Roman times, small dikes and dams were created. A look into the long Dutch tradition of dike building gives us insight on a deeply rooted culture of trial and error in a country where the sea level rises and the ground level is dropping. History shows that either a big flood or a tiny worm, but also national welfare can lead to big consequences and shifts in the flood protection system. Key moments in the ever-evolving dike network are described over different dike periods [1].

The Netherlands witnessed little dike-building activity in the early Middle Ages. With the departure of the Romans began a period of political instability and population decline. From the eighth century, we see renewed, if slow, population growth, after which the population of the Netherlands increased tenfold between 800 and 1250. Once again settlements were formed in the salt marshes, which abounded in fish and in grazing pastures for livestock. On a small scale, streams were dammed and low dikes built, following the contours of the existing differences in elevation.

In the fourteenth century, the combined effects of soil subsidence and rising sea levels meant, in many parts of the Low Countries, that sea level and ground level converged to the same height. This was the period that saw the first large-scale building of dikes. The population was falling in some parts of Europe, as a result of economic recession and a succession of epidemics, but the Netherlands, especially Holland, was doing relatively well.

In the period between 1500 and 1800, the Netherlands became ever more prosperous and witnessed rapid population growth, although the graph displays peaks and troughs. The acme of the Golden Age was in the first half of the seventeenth century. Large-scale hydraulic engineering works such as land reclamation, polders and largescale peat extraction were organized by collectives, with interested parties joining forces for the purpose.

Dike builders had gradually switched to constructions with low-gradient outer slopes. To strengthen dikes, stony materials were added to the dike revetment. Most of the stone was transported from Norway by sea and from Belgium along the major rivers to the Netherlands. In addition, a great many dolmens or hunebedden were demolished to reinforce the coastal defenses. From 1900 onwards, materials such as concrete blocks were developed, mass-produced and transported in large numbers. Advances in knowledge, technology and mobility made large-scale interventions in the water system possible, culminating in the Zuider Zee works.

The Zuider Zee had only just been closed off when the next calamity presented itself, this time in the southwest coastal region. In 1953, a rare combination of spring tide, a north-north-west storm and high water in the rivers caused a national disaster. In Zeeland, the islands of South Holland and West Brabant, there were widespread dike breaches. The North Sea Flood claimed more than 1,800 lives and caused immense damage. An area measuring some 1,650 square kilometers of land was flooded.

The North Sea Flood provided an impetus for a large number of new hydraulic works: the Delta Plan. The Netherlands must be protected from suffering any repeat of the disaster in the future. The sea inlets should be closed off, with the exception of the Nieuwe Waterweg and the Western Scheldt, thus making the coastline much shorter and far easier to defend. Parliament passed the Delta Act in 1958 and the construction commenced. The Act prescribed the criteria to be met by the dikes along the coast and rivers as well as their height. It was the beginning of an era of drastic and large-scale reinforcements of the dikes.

Policy Issues

The Netherlands looks to have made the transition from flood defense to flood risk management, in line with the rest of Western Europe. The flood catastrophes around the turn of the Millennium demonstrated the ineffectiveness of institutional and technical arrangements, ushering in flood risk management measures that "create space for the river," according to a compelling and widely propagated tale (K. Krieger 2013, unpublished manuscript). Krieger, on the other hand, demonstrates that for the United Kingdom and Germany, this statement is considerably too simple. History is essential. Krieger contends that organizational variables, specifically sets of norms, processes, and frameworks, can explain the disparities in flood management decisions made in Germany and England, and he advocates for a comparative test in the Netherlands and France, which have different state traditions. These policies make more sense for Netherlands because they are the most venerable to flood. Policys are a changing factor for Netherlands because it’s at a venerable place and situation changes depending on the weather and future climate. But there are some ground rules with stays the same such as:

1. A legally anchored funding scheme to keep the dike rings up to the level of the legally binding flood protection standards. This cost is pooled between the national Treasury and the regional authorities.

2. Responsibilities for flood protection are allocated to dedicated organizations: the national agency of public (water) works and the regional water boards.

3. The Expertise Network for Flood Protection (ENW). This institutionalized network of flood risk management experts, mostly civil engineers, has existed since 1965. ENW gives requested and unrequested advice to the ministry of infrastructure and environment. Their advice is literally always adopted.

4. Legal standards for flood risk and accompanying legal assessment (Wettelijk Tots Instrumentarium) and design guidelines for how to maintain flood defenses (Leidraden) consisting of extensive guidelines and technical reports.

These are some of the rules that has laid by Dutch National Water Plan.[17]

After the publication of the NWP reposts based on the flood data Netherlands government passed an act called the Delta Act. This act follows as:

1. New flood protection standards will be set these will not only be linked to the probability of flooding. but also, to the impact of a flood (risk-based approach). The scope of the impact is the decisive factor in setting the standard.

2. The availability of freshwater for agriculture, industry, and nature will become more predictable.

3. Spatial planning will become more climate-proof and water robust

Also, as I have mentioned above the plan changes due to constant climate change in the world, they have added some more rules over the years, such as:

1. 2011: The publication of a more explorative approach of the first series of pilot locations in the Netherlands that are considered suitable for MLS. The main conclusion of this report is that MLS is approached enthusiastically and energetically and that there is a strong desire of the involved local and regional authorities to explore the opportunities of MLS further.

2. 2012: To calculate the effectiveness of possible MLS measures, a toolkit was developed funded by the knowledge organization of the regional water authorities and the Delta Programme.[20]

Lessons learned / takeaways

 The Netherlands played a role model in showing how water and flood can be managed using engineering innovations. This gives inspiration for countries and governments to try to resist nature and fight natural disasters such as floods, hurricanes, tsunamis, and many more incidents where it is deadly dangerous. This also must be taken into consideration especially when our familiar world might change due to global warming and climate change that will directly impact our lives.  

Discussion Question

1. How would you evaluate the effort of Dutch Dikes?

2. How effective do you think these Dikes will be in future, especially with climate change?

References

-“Dutch Dikes.” History. [1]

-Aerts, J.C.J.H. “Adaptation Cost in the Netherlands: Climate Change and Flood Risk Management.” Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, Climate Changes Spatial Planning and Knowledge for Climate, 1 Jan. 1970. [2]

-Higgins, Andrew. “Lessons for U.S. from a Flood-Prone Land.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 15 Nov. 2012. [3]

-“Dutch Draw up Drastic Measures to Defend Coast against Rising Seas.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 3 Sept. 2008. [4]

- Author, Beatrice Mavroleon Contact, et al. “Afsluitdijk PPP, the Netherlands.” IJGlobal. [5]

- “Johan Van Veen.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., https://www.britannica.com/biography/Johan-van-Veen. [6]

- “Delta Works.” Watersnoodmuseum, https://watersnoodmuseum.nl/en/knowledgecentre/delta-works/. [7]

- “Why The Netherlands Isn’t Flooding (Anymore).” YouTube, uploaded by History Scop, 1 Feb. 2020. [8]

- “Brouwers Dam.” Watersnoodmuseum. [9]

- “Zuiderzee.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. [10]

- Nijhuis, Steffen. “The Noordoostpolder: A Landscape Planning Perspective on the Preservation and Development of Twentieth-Century Polder Landscapes in the Netherlands.” SpringerLink, Springer International Publishing, 1 Jan. 1970. [11]

-“Sailing the IJsselmeer.” Catharina Van Mijdrecht, 20 Apr. 2015. [12]

- The Afsluitdijk. [13]  

-“Delta Project.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. [14]

- “The Memory.” The Delta Works - The Memory. [15]

- Buuren, Arwin van. Ellen, Gerald Jan., and Jeroen F. Warner. Path-dependency and policy learning in the Dutch delta: toward more resilient flood risk management in the Netherlands? Jstore. [16]

- Mostert, E. 2006. Integrated water resources management in the Netherlands: how concepts function. Journal of Contemporary Water Research & Education 135(1):19-27. [17]

-2020, Dan Cortese22 July, et al. “The Sea Wall That Saved a Nation.” The B1M, 22 July 2020, [18]

-Rammel, C., S. Stagl, and M. Wilfing, 3007. Managing complex adaptive systems a co-evolutionary perspective on natural resource management. Ecological Economios 63(1):9-21. [19]

-Vogt, Berber "The Afsluitdijk as a Complex System",29 May 2019. [20]

- Jean-Louis Briaud, et al. “Civil Engineers Create Wonders of the World.” ASCE American Society of Civil Engineers, 1 July 2021. [21]

Big Dig

This casebook is a case study on the Big Dig by Shaheer Malik, Evan Price, Maeen Aljaieed, and Gurfateh Singh as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-001 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Spring 2022 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering.

DISCLAIMER: The information presented in this wikibook is for academic purposes only and has no particular goal beyond presenting what has been learned. Any views presented in this wikibook are the views of their respective writers and do not necessarily reflect the views of our professor, Dr. Gifford, or that of our institution, George Mason University.

Summary

The Central Artery/ Tunnel Project, famously known as the “Big Dig”, is located in Boston, Massachusetts, in the United States. Originally proposed in the 1970s, the project was supposed to improve traffic flow and congestion and to create large green spaces in Boston. The project included moving the 6-lane elevated I-93 interstate highway, also called the central artery, underground by constructing an underground expressway tunnel, extending the I-90 interstate through South Boston, across the Boston Harbor, to Logan International Airport, and building the Leonard P. Zakim Bunker Hill Bridge over the Charles River for I-93. The I-93 tunnel is now called the Thomas P. O’neill Jr. Tunnel and the underwater tunnel extending I-90 to Logan International Airport is now called the Ted Williams Tunnel. The project was awarded to Bechtel Corporation and Parsons Brinckerhoff Joint Venture by the Massachusetts Highway Department to manage the massive project. The ground was broken in 1982 and construction was meant to be completed in 1998 and was estimated to cost around 2.8 billion dollars. The Big Dig pushed the boundaries of innovation and engineering and set foot to take on massive feats that had never been done before. The project, however, ran into many problems and was surrounded by controversy and local pushback. Many parts of the original design proved to be insufficient and had to be redesigned. All the changes led to massive delays and an enormous budget overrun. The project was finally complete in 2007 and ended up costing an astonishing $14.6 billion but with interest owed, it will end up costing a total of $22 billion dollars to be paid by 2038.

Annotated List of Key Actors and Institutions

The Big Dig Project was an enormous task and had countless people and organizations that had a stake in it. Due to the massive size of the project, the design and construction was broken into dozens of smaller sub projects awarded to subcontractors. Some of the major stakeholders in the central Artery/ Tunnel Project include:

Private Sector Actors and Institutions

Bechtel Corporation and Parsons Brinckerhoff Joint Venture

Joint venture of Bechtel Corporation and Parsons Brinckerhoff, now WPS USA, were hired by the Massachusetts Highway Department in 1985 to manage the design, construction, cost estimates and budget forecasts of the project. [6]

Bechtel Corporation: is an American engineering, procurement, construction, and project management company founded in 1898 and is headquartered in Reston, VA. [7]

Parsons Brinckerhoff: now known as WPS USA, is an engineering and design firm founded in 1885 based in New York, NY. [8]

Frederick P. Salvucci, was the state’s Secretary of Transportation. He advocated for the Big Dig and the need for it to be built for many years. He is considered the “Man behind the Big Dig” and the project wouldn’t have happened if it wasn't for his efforts. [10]

Robert Albee, was the state’s Director of Construction Services. To oversee the design and engineering for the Central Artery Tunnel Project, he left his job as Massachusetts chief engineer in 1985 to take this new position and stayed the director till 1998. [9]

Public Sector Actors and Institutions

Massachusetts Highway Department (MDH): Was the owner of the Big Dig Project from inception to 1997. MHD was responsible to oversee the project in its entirety. [14]

Massachusetts Turnpike Authority (MassPike): MassPike took over the project from MDH in 1997 and assumed all responsibility for maintaining it into the future. It is the current owner and Operator of the Central Artery/ Tunnel Project. It maintains and repairs the project and is responsible for its operating expenses and repair budgets. [11]

Federal Highway Administration (FHWA): FHWA was the primary funding agency for the Big Dig and was responsible for oversight of the project budget and finance plan. [14]

Massachusetts General Court: At the beginning of the project the General Court was responsible for the required funding remaining after what the funding provided by the FHWA. [11]

The Original Plan

Boston’s Big Dig project (also known as the Central Artery/Tunnel Project) began with a series of highway-expansion plans to solve the city’s increasing traffic and economic problems. The city of Boston is a history rich city with a road system that was designed before the automobile. The city contained a highway system opened in 1950 which featured a six-lane two-way highway linking southeast with the north and offered many offramps to access the city. This existing expressway drove right into the middle of downtown Boston with a series of high, above ground ramps in the middle of the city. This expressway was designed to contain 74,000 cars per day but was containing upwards of 200,000 cars per day which led to nightmare traffic congestion.

The project was divided into two major components: moving the 6-lane elevated I-93 highway underground into a state-of-the-art underground expressway (named Thomas P. O’neill Jr. Tunnel) and extending I-90 through an underwater tunnel (named Ted Williams Tunnel) from South Boston to Logan International Airport. Other projects were also completed as part of the Big Dig including the construction of the Leonard P. Zakim Bunker Hill Memorial Bridge over the Charles River and the Rose Kennedy Greenway which is open spaced green parks to replace the old above-ground I-93 expressway. There were also other smaller projects with general improvements to the existing infrastructure in Boston.

In March 1982, Boston was awarded $2 billion in federal funding. The original cost estimate, made in 1985, was $2 billion (costs later soared to $14 billion). The plan was significant since it would be the most extensive urban highway project in the United States since President Eisenhower’s interstate highway program.

The original cost estimate was 2.8 billion to start construction in 1982 and finishing in 1998. However, the project wouldn’t be complete until 2007 with a cost of 14.6 billion but with interest being paid the total cost is 22 billion and won’t be paid until 2038. The Boston Globe reported that a billion dollars of the project’s budget was lost due to design flaws.

Why Do the Big Dig?

Because of the city’s congestion, more automobiles were on the road than the roads were designed to handle, resulting in deadly delays and slow travel. All traffic east, west, north, and south used the central artery.  The Central Artery was designed to have 74,000 cars however by the 1990s it had upwards of 190,000 cars per day. This led to a 500-million-dollar loss to traffic jams. Traffic was stuck in the Central Artery upwards of 14 hours per day. Over 5,000 workers were involved in the Big Dig. In building the Big Dig, there was a 62% decrease in vehicle hours of travel on I-90 from 38,000 hours per day to 14,800 hours. Additionally, Carbon monoxide levels have reduced by 12% since its completion in 2007 since cars are not stuck in traffic. With the Big Dig, the greenbelt of 27 acres parks and open space where the old expressway stood was opened up which drastically changed the scene of the city and improved businesses. The tunnel allowed the city of Boston to reunite with the north neighborhoods that were previously separated by the above ground highway system. This separation caused economic harm to the businesses present there. Today, the Shawmut Peninsula is one of the most sought after urban real estate locations in the country.

The project’s original purpose was to improve traffic flow in the central artery and to create large green spaces to decrease pollution. Furthermore, the project’s objectives were to increase local and regional economic activity, improve pedestrian and cycling safety, open up new and under-utilized sections of the region for development, and improve the general quality of life for inhabitants in the surrounding districts (Greiman & Sclar, 2019).

Map

Design

The Big Dig or the Central Artery/ Tunnel Project is commonly considered as a single project, however, the project included three major individual construction projects in the center of the city of Boston. The Big Dig encompassed countless small projects and tasks, however the three major undertakings included:

Depressing the Central Artery

The original I-93, also known as the central artery, was a 6-lane elevated highway that went through downtown Boston. This highway was depressed underground by constructing the Thomas P O’Neill Tunnel.The tunnel is 1.5 miles long and accommodates 4 lanes of traffic. Before construction could begin, utility relocations and mitigation efforts had to be performed.[12] To allow daily life to continue as is, slurry walls had to be constructed so that the existing elevated artery could still be functioning while the excavation for the tunnel took place. The Big Dig represents the largest use of the slurry wall technique in North America. The slurry walls were eventually incorporated into the permanent structure of the tunnel. Once the construction of the tunnel was complete, the elevated highway was demolished, with many new parks and green spaces built in its place. [14]

Extending I-90 through South Boston, across the Boston Harbor, to Logan International Airport

This endeavor consisted of constructing the Ted Williams Tunnel and the Fort Point Channel Tunnel. The Ted Williams Tunnel connects South Boston to Logan Airport. To build this tunnel, 12 binocular-shaped steel tunnel sections were built in the Bethlehem Shipyard in Maryland. They were each longer than a football field and were delivered using barges or floating vessels. Each section cost $1.5 million dollars. Once they were at the Black Falcon Pier, the sections were equipped with steel-reinforced concrete walls and roadbed. The harbor was drained and then a 0.75 mile trench was dug out. The tubes were then lowered into the trench and connected.[12] At the Fort Point Channel, the tubes could not be barged in due to existing bridges over the channel. This led the engineers to instead build a concrete immersed tube tunnel on-site. A casting basin was constructed using steel cofferdams to be able to cast the tunnel boxes. Once the tunnel boxes were dry, the basin was flooded by removing the cofferdams.[13] This allowed the tunnels to be floated out to be lowered into the trench that was dug out in the channel. The process was repeated to construct and transfer the remaining two tunnel boxes. All the tubes were then connected to form the tunnel under Fort Point Channel.

Building the Leonard P. Zakim Bunker Hill Bridge over the Charles River

Leonard P. Zakim Bunker Bridge is the world's widest cable-stayed bridge. [12] The bridge is named after an American colonist and a civil rights activist. It is located in Boston, MA and was built in 2003 at a cost of $100 million [20]. The bridge is owned by Massachusetts Turnpike Authority, designed by Christian Menn, a Swiss engineer, and constructed by Bechtel/Parsons Brinkerhoff. [21] This bridge is 1432 ft long and has 10 lanes. [12] Eight of these lanes pass through the legs of the twin towers, and the other two lanes are cantilevered on the east side. It was built as part of the Big Dig project and replaces the existing deteriorated bridge that crossed the Charles River. The bridge has an average deck width of 183 ft and a structure length of 1407 ft. [20] Additionally, it has the following span length (ft): 112/130/745/250/170 [20] Leonard P. Zakim Bunker Bridge is connected to the Thomas P. O'Neill, Jr. Tunnel on one side of the river, and to Route 1 and I-93 on the other side of the river. Furthermore, this bridge holds the distinction of being the “first hybrid cable-stayed bridge in the United States” [12], as the frame of the bridge is made up of steel and concrete.

Timeline

Year	Event
1982	- Work begins on Final Environmental Impact Statement/Report (FEIS/R)
1985	- Final Environmental Impact Statement/Report (FEIS/R) filed; approved early the next year
1986	- Bechtel/Parsons Brinckerhoff begins work as management consultant
1987	- Congress approves funding and scope of project
1988	- Final design process under way
1989	- Preliminary/final design and environmental review continue.
1990	- Congress allocates $755 million to project
1991	- Federal Highway Administration issues Record of Decision, the construction go-ahead - Final Supplemental Environmental Impact Statement/Report (FSEIS/R) approved - Construction contracts advertised and awarded - Construction begins on Ted Williams Tunnel and South Boston Haul Road
1992	- More than $1 billion in design and construction contracts underway - Dredging and blasting for the Ted Williams Tunnel are ongoing - Downtown utility relocation to clear path for Central Artery Tunnel construction begins - Archaeologists find 17th and 18th-century artifacts at a North End dig
1993	- South Boston Haul Road opens - All 12 tube sections for Ted William Tunnel placed and connected on harbor floor
1994	- Charled River Crossing revised design and related FSEIS/R approved
1995	- Ted Williams Tunnel opens to commercial traffic
1996	- Downtown slurry work under way for I-93 tunnels
1997	- Utility work 80% completed
1998	- Enter peak construction years - Construction begins on the Charles River Crossing
1999	- Construction 50% complete
2000	- Close to 5,000 workers employed on the Big Dig
2001	- Construction 70% complete
2002	- Leonard P. Zakim Bunker Hill Bridge completed
2003	- I-93 Northbound opens in March - I-93 Southbound opens in December
2004	- Dismantling of the elevated Central Artery (I-93)
2005	- Full opening of I-93 South
2006	- Reached majority completion of the Central Artery/Tunnel project in January
2007	- Construction on development parcels continues after Central Artery/Tunnel Project completes

Risk

The implementation of adequate project management plans, techniques, and practices is vital for the overall success of the project. The construction of the megaprojects comes with inherent risks and Big Dig being one of the most technically challenging projects in the United States had several risks associated with it. The complexity of the project is evident from the fact that it includes, “the deepest underwater connection, the largest slurry-wall application in North America, unprecedented ground freezing, extensive deep-soil mixing programs to stabilize Boston’s soils, the world’s widest cable-stayed bridge, and the largest tunnel-ventilation system in the world” [3]. Extensive risk assessments and environmental feasibility studies were therefore conducted before the commencement of the project.

Several programs and innovative tools were used to mitigate the overall risk associated with the Central Artery/Tunnel Project. The Safety and Health Awards for Recognized Excellence (SHARE) program integrated risk management practices to reduce and prevent the occurrence of accidents. Additionally, the Community and Business Artery Public Awareness Program had several meetings to address project-related issues [4]. The owner-controlled insurance program (OCIP) was also implemented, which provided coverage for contractors and designers [4]. In addition to the OCIP, an integrated audit program was adopted which identified and mitigated project delays [3]. The project still faced several issues regardless of implementing all of the risk management practices. These issues contributed to the significant increase in the overall cost of the project.

There were tremendous risks associated with the construction of the Big Dig and some of these risks were difficult to identify in a timely manner. These unanticipated risks detrimentally impacted the cost, schedule, and scope of the project. Additionally, the last drawing package was provided to the bidders only five days before the contract was awarded and consisted of plans and drawings which were considerably incomplete [2]. As a result, it became impossible to quantify potential risks during the planning stage of the project and to accurately determine the cost and the schedule.

The Big Dig Project did not achieve project deliverables and goals in a timely manner because the initial “project management plan was based on flawed engineering specifications” [1]. This is evident by the fact, that only aerial photographs and “as-built” drawings were used for the preliminary site assessment instead of surveying the central artery. According to Anthony Lancellotti, an engineering manager at Bechtel, the company undertook a calculated risk by not surveying the site as the available drawing and photographs seemed sufficient for the project [2]. Contract documents show that this undertaken risk resulted in several change orders and claims [3].

The excavation of the site leads to the discovery of uncharted utilities, 150-year-old revolutionary-era sites, and weak soil. To prevent the utilities from getting damaged the Big Dig utility program relocated the utility lines [3]. The risk of damaging the utilities was still high because not all of the utilities were shown on “as-built” drawings. Additionally, a high risk was associated with damaging the infrastructure due to the building’s foundations being in close proximity to the construction site [3]. Any damage to the infrastructure had the potential of closing Boston’s major financial center and detrimentally impacting the region’s economy.

There were significant risks with respect to the construction and the installation of six concrete immersed tube tunnel sections under Fort Point Channel [5]. Virginia Greiman denotes that these sections were floated to their desired locations through the use of GPS [4]. Afterward, they were lowered below the surface of the channel and then supported by 110 steel reinforced caissons. These caissons and tubes were fitted together within 1/16 inch of perfection, therefore it meant there was no room for errors. There was also the risk of the tunnel section dislodging and collapsing on the existing subway, as these sections lie exactly 4 feet above the existing subway system. All of these risks were proactively managed by installing the tunnel section Line during the nonpeak hours and by doubling the insurance coverage. Furthermore, gates were installed to separate the subway line and the main train station, and barges with clay were also available nearby to quickly fill a potential leak in the tunnel wall [4].

Things Gone Wrong

The original design of the Charlestown Bridge proposed the use of 30 meters 100 ft highway ramps which was sued by the city of Cambridge for redesign. This forced the planners to come up with an alternative redesign. The redesign completed by Swiss engineer Christian Menn featured the cable-stayed bridge 436 meters and 1432 ft. in length, which is the widest cable-stayed bridge in the country.

The biggest obstacle that the project faced was that it had to be completed without a single disturbance to traffic flowing above the ground, which meant no homes, business, or subway systems would be demolished, rerouted, or stopped.  Local residents were not happy with the ongoing noise of the construction and protests to demand that a mandatory silence period be met. Local support for the project dimmed as time passed. This was compromised with a no construction period between 9PM to 5AM which affected the project’s deadline and caused a major delay for the completion.  

No digging

During the onset of the project, twelve I-90 connector steel sections were shipped out from Baltimore which needed to be matched exactly into the dugout trench in the tight-spaced and dark waters of the Boston Harbor. However, once they arrived the steel sections were three feet nine inches too short and did not completely fit in the floor of the harbor. The planners had to build a steel and concrete extension at the South Boston side to meet the short form steel box.  

Next, the central artery I-93 was to be tunneled underground however, the soft earth mixed with landfills was unstable to drill so planners decided to build a horizontal tunnel to minimize risk. In building the support system, a 37-meter 120 ft deep concrete wall using a slurry technique to support the underground tunnel was built. 2.9  million cubic meters of concrete was used for the wall. However, contractors did not remove gravel and debris before pouring the concrete which caused thousands of leaks later on. This also led to several lawsuits for providing substandard materials for the project which resulted in six employees being arrested and charged with defrauding the US in which a 50-million-dollar settlement was reached.

Additionally, lighting fixtures that were installed in the tunnel were faulty and fell which cost 50 million dollars to replace. Furthermore, “Ginsu Guardrails” were safety rails within the tunnels with squared off edges that allegedly caused eight deaths of ejected victims of crash accidents. These guardrails were removed by the state but only on the curved sections of the path.

During the digging, colonial artifacts were found which led to a pause in the digging to allow the artifacts to be recovered.  This led to significant delays in project deadlines. Environmentalists were concerned that the underground digging would disrupt the rat population underground, forcing them onto the surface.

Perhaps the worst of all was in 2006 when a 24-ton concrete paneling fell onto a passing car immediately killing the passenger and seriously injuring her driving husband. The concrete panel failing was due to the misuse of the epoxy glue which was not intended for long term use. In response, governor Mitt Romney ordered a full safety audit for the tunnel reopening all sections in June the following year.

Five years into the project, the tunnel had to be passed above the red line subway built in 1914 underneath the Fort Point Channel. The team excavated the existing channel until four feet remained to build 110 concrete foundations around the red line such that the tunnel was supported above it. The initial plan was to redirect the railway lines but that plan was quickly changed. In September of 2001, there was a massive leak in the tunnel section in Fort Point Channel causing 70,000 gallons of the Atlantic ocean in every minute. The most immediate threat was towards the tunnel section that was proximate to the red line subway which carried 218,000 commuters every day. The casting basin and tunnel were flooded to equalize the pressure from the leak and prevent the tunnel sections from becoming dislodged.

Political Issues

Acquiring Funding

Though many might argue that the Big Dig was an engineering solution that should not be politicized, the project was inevitably a highly political issue. Though the designing and logistics of the project were complex, getting enough political support to appropriate funds to the project added another layer of issues to the project.

The project was originally conceived in the 1970s, the brainchild of then Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis and Secretary of Transportation Frederick Salvucci, and both knew that Massachusetts would need federal funds to begin the project. The first attempt to gain financing for the project was in 1976, when then House Majority Leader Tip O’Neill inserted initial funding for the project into federal highway legislation. Despite this initial funding, the first ask for major federal funds to actually begin the project did not occur until more than decade later, in 1987. President Ronald Reagan greatly opposed the Big Dig, opposing it on financial grounds, stating that “...I remain firm in my pledge to the American taxpayers to speak out against such budgetary excesses…” [6] and went on to veto highway legislation that included funding for the Big Dig. Despite this, the Senate overrode his veto, and the Big Dig was financed for the first time.

This was not the end of funding issues, however, and the initial funding would not come close to covering all the costs the Big Dig would eventually incur.

Political Opposition

The Big Dig was unpopular amongst many outside the project, particularly after the project began and the true cost of the project began to balloon. In the late 1990s, after the estimated cost of the project reached the ten billion mark and “a whopping $1 billion a mile”[7] , opponents to Big Dig, primarily congressional Republicans, asked for a federal spending cap to be put in place.

A leading opponent of federal funding for the Big Dig was Virginia Representative Frank Wolf, who called on the US Department of Transportation to cap off federal Big Dig spending. He stated “...The cap would not be done in a way to hurt Massachusetts…” in 1996, a grave foreshadowing to the extensive debt the Commonwealth of Massachusetts would incur to complete the project.

In the end, federal opponents got their way. The US federal government would, around the turn of the millennium, no longer fund the Big Dig beyond what it had already provided in grants. Though the opposition never stopped the construction of the Big Dig - that was never their goal - the remaining responsibility was on Massachusetts and Boston entirely [8].

Financing and Funding the Project - Cost Overruns

The Big Dig was a completely publicly financed project, with a range of funding coming from state, federal and local sources in proportions that varied by year, administration and by the project’s outlook, and in amounts that ended up to never be enough. The project was intended to cost a mere six billion dollars when given final approval in 1990, 90% of that funding was to come from federal grants . An initial 755 million dollars was approved that year to begin the project, though almost immediately the beginning of construction was delayed . In fact, the project was already delayed since being originally proposed in the 80s, but the Reagan Administration delayed funding for the project. This resulted in the original cost estimate of six billion to already be inaccurate by 1990 The price tag only continued to inflate from there. From the original six billion dollar price tag, the total cost (including seven billion dollars in interest to be paid on debt eventually incurred by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts) totals to be 22 billion dollars, which is project to be paid off at last in 2038 . The cost overrun came from several areas .

Technical issues

The Big Dig was extraordinarily complex, requiring new techniques such as freezing the earth to safely tunnel or using slurry to construct the tunnel walls, as well as issues resulting from the construction, such as archeological examinations whenever the project ran into pieces of Boston’s history. There was also the issue of acquiring land for the project, though much of the project was on government owned property, frequently the project would require “staging areas” for large sections of the project, such as creating a casting area to manufacture tunnel sections on site.

Mitigations

Despite the benefits the project would eventually bring, the Big Dig was unpopular or heavily critiqued. This would include residents complaining about noise from the 24 hour construction or environmentalists complaining about destroyed wetlands. To mitigate these issues, the project spent nearly three billion dollars relieving various complaints, accommodating locals, or even, as Michael Fein of Johnson and Wales University provides an example of: “When the project destroyed wetlands, project managers agreed to build a park elsewhere.”

Projects like these, or installing soundproof windows, or improving streetscape because of a resident’s needs, cost millions of dollars each. Though a million dollars from a fifteen billion dollar project is almost a rounding error, many small projects began to add up.

Political Issues and Public Project Philosophy

Frederick Salvucci, the visionary and de facto leader of the project, credits the delays and ballooning costs to a change in administration and political philosophy in 1991, when Bill Weld became Governor of Massachusetts. Salvucci notes that, after the change in leadership, reconsiderations of the project’s scope and design, privatization of key actors in the project and what Salvucci described as a “...[lack] of capacity to make informed judgements”, led to delays, internal conflicts, and further impact studies that themselves delayed the project and added further costs.

Furthermore, Salvucci notes that once cost issues began to arise, the Weld administration resorted to “creative financing”, and, Salvucci claims, “[t]here was no honest disclosure of problems at the earliest possible moment to search for solutions, problems were hidden for as long as possible to the point in time that no options were available” . These delays, build up of problems, lack of project efficiency and organization due to restructuring and lack of transparency further added to the inflated cost, though an exact dollar estimate is unknown.

Another issue had to do with a change in philosophy of the process of the project. Whereas in the 1960s when the Central Artery was originally constructed, public officials and highway designers had no qualms with tearing down residences and dislocating 20,000 locals for the benefit of the project. This cheap, goal-driven process was not shared by those who sought to replace the Central Artery. They saw the philosophy of the original project as Machiavellian and sought to approach the replacement much more as a “friendly neighbor”. This meant: not disturbing traffic, not destroying private property that would otherwise make the project easier if it was removed, and maintaining the day to day routines of the city. The challenge was made: build a highway as you drive on it.

Redesigns

One final issue that led to the cost overruns was the constant redesigns that plagued the project from the start. Rather than settling on one design and committing to it, various actors involved in the project pressured, proposed or demanded minor to significant redesigns of various aspects of the project. One such example was the Federal Highway Administration threatening to cut off federal funds until the central artery was widened for future road demand. Some redesigns were political in nature, others were pragmatic, more were small and resulted from technical challenges, safety necessities or succumbing to resident demand. All in all, redesigns cost an additional three billion dollars.

Debt

On the issue of debt, Massachusetts has dug themselves quite a big hole, if you’ll excuse the pun. Particularly in the early years after the completion of the Big Dig, Massachusetts found itself into a precarious financial situation. With 22 billion in debt, the state was forced to take away funding from other projects to service bonds floated for the project. This led to a “kicking the can” situation, where other capital improvements are in desperate need of attention, and initiating those projects will require more debt to be floated. This led the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to be in a rather precarious situation, as they found themselves (in 2008) to have the highest debt per capita of any state, and it spends 38% of its highway budget on debt services, compared to a national median of 6% . The issues are troubling, however it does not appear as though the Commonwealth has capitulated under this debt.

Local Concerns and Mitigation

Despite the benefits to the environment, to traffic and to the urban fabric of Boston that the Big Dig promised, the project faced layers of opposition. Local residents complained about the noise and other disturbances caused by constant construction, day and night, for years on end. Environmentalists complained about various impacts construction would have on the environment. Businesses in Boston feared that construction or any delays to the highway the Big Dig was replacing would disrupt commercial traffic in the city.

These various groups had, through various mediums, the power to disrupt, delay or terminate the Big Dig as a project, despite the project having already begun. The actors behind the project could not allow this to happen, and with no easy solution to solve every groups complaints, the project had to resort to mitigations and promises. For locals, the Big Dig funded soundproofed windows and even new mattresses that absorbed vibrations from construction. For the environmentalists: green space on top of the highway tunnel, and using excavated soil to make a new harbor park in Boston. For businesses: early on the promise was made that the central artery would not be closed, ever, while construction was ongoing.

These various mitigations may seem preposterous and even crony, yet they worked. Despite the headaches caused by the construction of the project, political opposition and the occasional local adamantly opposing the project, “more than 80 percent of Boston residents and nearly two-thirds of state residents supported the Big Dig” , leading to continued support. One striking example of mitigation was nearly one billion dollars spent to rework the planned bridge that was opposed by residents, business owners and the City of Cambridge. Despite the fact that the bridge (likely) was perfectly fine, the project had to maintain popular support, and as a result the bridge was redesigned at great cost.

These various mitigations added up. In addition to the one billion spent on bridge reworking, the overall costs of mitigation added up to be a third of the Big Dig’s overall price tag, roughly five billion dollars.

One striking example of mitigation was nearly one billion dollars spent to rework the planned bridge that was opposed by residents, business owners and the City of Cambridge. Despite the fact that the bridge (likely) was perfectly fine, the project had to maintain popular support, and as a result the bridge was redesigned at great cost. These various mitigations added up. In addition to the one billion spent on bridge reworking, the overall costs of mitigation added up to be a third of the Big Dig’s overall price tag, roughly five billion dollars.

Effects of the Big Dig

The Big Dig met (and in some cases exceeded) its goals. Traffic flow was improved 62%, while saving nearly $170 million a year in reduced vehicle operating costs and reduced time spent in traffic. There has also been a marked improvement in air quality, with a 12% reduction in air pollution. This couples with the increased green space, with more than 315 acres of new park space open to the public where the Central Artery once ran.

The Big Dig has also seen improved investment in downtown Boston, particularly in the Back Bay and South Boston Seaport areas that were once cut off by the elevated Central Artery. Over $7 billion in urban investment has been committed to these areas, including 7,700 housing units, millions of square feet of commercial space and an estimated 43,000, compared to the construction of the Central Artery which displaced 20,000 residents during construction. The full benefits to the city are yet to be realized and will continue to unfold as long as the Big Dig is utilized and Boston exists as a city .

Discussion Questions

• Was the Big Dig worth its cost?

• Would Boston have been better off pursuing some other alternative?

• What alternatives could have been proposed?

• What should the Big Dig have done differently?

Additional Readings

From YouTube:

• https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eleScfXwwM0

This is a short documentary, primarily on the construction of the project. It does not go into detail about certain issues, but it provides a comprehensive overview of the project.

References

1) “Project Manager's Handbook.” Edited by David I Cleland and Lewis R Ireland, McGraw Hill, 2008, http://www.mim.ac.mw/books/Cleland's%20Project%20Manager's%20Handbook.pdf#page=254.

2) Lewis , Raphael, and Sean Murph. “Artery Errors Cost More than $1b.” Boston.com, The Boston Globe, 2003, http://archive.boston.com/globe/metro/packages/bechtel/.

3) Greiman, Virginia. “The Big Dig .” NASA, 2020, https://appel.nasa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/469423main_ASK_39s_big_dig.pdf.

4) Greiman, Virginia A. Megaproject Management: Lessons On Risk and Project Management from the Big Dig. Wiley, 2013.

5) Commonwealth of Massachusetts. “The Big Dig: Facts and Figures.” Mass.gov, https://www.mass.gov/info-details/the-big-dig-facts-and-figures.

6) https://www.enr.com/articles/35354-state-sues-consultant-bechtelparsons-brinckerhoff-over-central-artery-costs

7) https://www.bechtel.com/

8) https://www.wsp.com/en-US/news/2017/wsp-parsons-brinckerhoff-to-operate-as-wsp-usa-in-the-united-states

9) https://www.concreteconstruction.net/projects/infrastructure/the-eighth-wonder-of-the-world_o

10) https://www.technologyreview.com/2004/07/01/101647/the-man-behind-the-big-dig/

11) https://vc.bridgew.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1211&context=br_rev

12) https://www.mass.gov/info-details/the-big-dig-tunnels-and-bridges

13) https://learning-oreilly-com.mutex.gmu.edu/library/view/megaproject-management-lessons/9781118416341/9781118416341c02.xhtml#c02

14) https://learning-oreilly-com.mutex.gmu.edu/library/view/megaproject-management-lessons/9781118416341/9781118416341c03.xhtml#c03

15) https://www.bostonglobe.com/magazine/2015/12/29/years-later-did-big-dig-deliver/tSb8PIMS4QJUETsMpA7SpI/story.html.

16) https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/24724718.2020.1742624

17) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eleScfXwwM0&t=1523s&ab_channel=louiscamero.

18) https://www.mass.gov/info-details/the-big-dig-project-background.

19) https://www.seacoastonline.com/story/news/2007/07/28/concrete-supplier-to-pay-50/52836345007/

20) https://www.aisc.org/nsba/prize-bridge-awards/prize-bridge-winners/leonard-p.-zakim-bunker-hill-bridge/

21) https://www.bostonpreservation.org/advocacy-project/leonard-p-zakim-bunker-hill-memorial-bridge

Gotthard Base Tunnel

This casebook is a case study on the Gotthard Base Tunnel by Handan Karaman, Maram Ayasou, Abdulrahman Leila, and Zainab Syed as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-001 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Spring 2022 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering.

DISCLAIMER: The information presented in this wikibook is for academic purposes only and has no goal beyond presenting what has been learned. Any views presented in this wikibook are the views of their respective writers and do not necessarily reflect the views of our professor, Dr. Gifford, or that of our institution, George Mason University.

Summary of the Gotthard Base Tunnel

Gotthard base tunnel (GBT) is the longest and deepest underground railway tunnel in the world. At 57 kilometers long, it runs through the Alps in Switzerland and is connected to the Gotthard railway system which is part of an international railway system connecting northern Europe [2].

The GBT was officially open to public use in 2016, and its main purpose is to shorten the time it takes from southern to northern Switzerland [2].Originally, there was a winding mountain road going over the Alps and the Gotthard tunnel (1882), but due to the road and tunnel reaching their capacity over time, the need for GBT was introduced. The GBT railway can travel up to 250 kilometers per hour, reducing passenger travel time by 1 hour, and can transport up to 3,600 tonnes of cargo, crossing through 16% of the European Union's GDP economic area [18].

Actors

• AlpTransit Gotthard AG was responsible for construction, a wholly owned subsidiary of the Swiss Federal Railways (SSB CFF FFS) [12]

• The Gotthard tunnel project was funded by Swiss Taxpayers and fees on trucks. [13]

• Design Engineer was Louis Favre [14]

• Alfred Escher was the rail tycoon leading the first mountain route [7]

• Architect was Mario Botta [12]

Timeline of Events

Gotthard Base Tunnel, Switzerland - Railway Technology

• Construction(drilling) for the base tunnel begins (1999) [7]

• Geology and surveying done (26 November 2000) [7]

• The new railway system that was installed is tested (2005) [7]

• Base tunnel breakthrough: After 4 years of construction the tunnel boring reaches 13.5 km (2006) [7]

• 115 km of rail tracks were placed (30 October, 2014) [7]

• Railways safety tests were conducted (30 September 2015) [7]

• Gotthard Base Tunnel opens to the public. (1 June 2016) [7]

• Referendum for a second Gotthard tunnel due to demand. Approved by 57% to 43%. (2016) [4]

Benefits

Four Herrenknecht Gripper TBMs conquered the mountain using mechanized tunneling technology, shattering speed and length records in the process. The Gotthard Base Tunnel, which is 57 kilometers long, connects Erstfeld with Bodio today. The world's longest railway tunnel opened its doors on June 1, 2016. It connects Switzerland and Europe by forming the center of the New Alpine Transversal (NEAT). [11]

The main breakthrough at the Gotthard Base Tunnel, which occurred on March 23, 2011 in the Western tunnel and on October 15, 2010 in the Eastern tunnel, was the most critical step toward completing the world's longest railway tunnel. Switzerland is connecting northern and southern Europe by train via the Alps with the two-times 57-kilometer long epoch-making project. More than 85 kilometers of the major tubes have been excavated and secured using Herrenknecht Gripper tunnel boring machines. [11]

The first high-speed trains will pass through the Gotthard Base Tunnel at speeds of 200 to 250 kilometers per hour by the end of 2016. The journey time from Zurich to Milan will be reduced by one hour to 2 hours and 40 minutes once the NEAT is fully operational. Swiss Railways expects to reduce freight transit times in particular, marking yet another significant improvement in traffic logistics between Germany and Italy. Trans-Alpine rail travel is entering a new era. Setting out from Zurich's Bahnhofstrasse for a morning of leisurely shopping in Milan's beautiful Galleria Vittorio Emanuele II, and returning the same afternoon with shopping bags brimming with the best Italian designer apparel. This isn't a dream. This dream is coming to fruitionott. [11]

A one-of-a-kind, historic project - the contraction of the new Gotthard Base Tunnel, as well as the Ceneri and Zimmerberg Base Tunnels - will make this rapid trip between the two commercial areas possible. Two single-lane tunnel tubes will cross the Alpine range from valley floor to valley floor, as it were on an almost level track, with a length of 57 kilometers and a maximum altitude of 55 meters above sea level, i.e. truly at the door of the St.Gotthard mountain. This will put an end to fright train travel that was so sluggish that passengers could virtually pick the flowers along the way, and it would eliminate the need for double locomotives to move freight trains up severe gradients. [11]

Risks

The visionaries of the GBT were well aware of the massive undertaking they were suggesting. Never before had a railway been dug through such depths of a mountain, and definitely not to the extensive length the railway covers. However, perhaps they didn’t anticipate the variety of risks and consequential setbacks the project would face and which led to the construction of the project being completed almost 50 years after its conception.

Safety: The biggest factor of concern for engineers working on the GBT was safety. Throughout the planning of the railway’s design, special attention was given to the safety of the construction workers, as well as of the future passengers of the railway. With the railway design itself, given that one section of the tunnel would have 2,300 feet of mountain on top of it, structural and geotechnical engineers worked together to ensure safety was not compromised [18]. From a structural engineering standpoint, the accessibility limitations of analyzing how much weight would be contributed from the mountain itself, the living and dead loads on the railway, and the speed the train would travel at were initially difficult to determine. For geotechnical engineers, the type of matter the mountain is made up and determining the tunnel’s material, factoring for erosion and settling, and other necessary components were considered. One technique to mitigate the overall safety risks to construction workers was construction of the tunnel system in smaller phases, with the completion of each phase providing guidelines for refinements to design plans of the following sections [6]. The use of boring machines also eliminated much of the risk for construction workers and engineers as they had to spend less time underneath the tunnel during construction [1].

Cost: The initial budget proposed for the GBT section of the project was $10 billion in 1992 [15]. However, as further advancements in safety features and technology emerged, it was quickly realized that an increase to the budget would be needed to ensure the project remained efficient and sustainable. This led to the need for a vote to approve a new total budget of $15.5 billion in 1998, with official construction of the tunnel beginning in 1999 [17]. Initial opponents of the project tried swaying the election in their favor and discourage public approval of further spending on the GBT, but the budget was approved, and construction and planning for the GBT resumed. Cost continued to be a recurring issue for the tunnel throughout the completion of its construction, as additional issues on who, how, and what would be paid for, considering the extensive network the NRLA would pass through. Eventually, the final cost of the GBT upon its completion in 2016 was an estimated $24 billion, well over the original budget [17]. Though cost was an immense factor in the implementation of the project, given its massive scale, the projected economic, social, and sustainability benefits well justify the costs incurred.

The successful completion of the GBT shows that even with such monumental risks, such engineering feats are possible, and now paves the way for similar projects in other regions to expand their intercontinental and regional railways.

Maintenance

Despite the fact that the Gotthard Base Tunnel is designed to endure over a century, the world's largest and most complicated tunnel system requires routine maintenance. Currently, maintenance is scheduled for Saturday and Sunday evenings (closed for eight hours) and Monday nights (closed for six hours).

Cleaning of drainage systems (the tunnel contains 500 kilometers of drainpipes), electro-mechanical installations, tunnel ventilation, cross-passage doors, and railway infrastructure track, contact lines, and safety systems, among other things, are all part of routine maintenance.[8]

308 kilometers of tracks, 153 kilometers of catenary, 7,200 lights, 500 kilometers of drainpipes, and 2,200 electrical cabinets are made up of two 57-kilometer single-track tunnels and 13 kilometers of newly built overground lines. These are only a handful of the figures that show how large and sophisticated the GBT and its facilities are. Maintaining the world's longest railway tunnel is a huge undertaking. There are just two entrances to the 57-kilometer-long subterranean tubes.

Each time maintenance work is performed, a tunnel tube is closed for three nights. Up to eleven workplaces are relocated from the new maintenance and intervention centres (MIC) in Biasca and Erstfeld to the GBT during this time, where they are built up, put into service, then vacated and transferred back. SBB requires tunnel maintenance vehicles, which are made up of several partial trains that split into smaller units after entering the tunnel and are assigned to various workstations.

The first six vehicles are part of a batch of thirteen base maintenance trucks. Each machine can be powered by overhead electricity or a combination of diesel and electricity.

Each 80-tonne vehicle comes with a crane and an air-conditioned people module with a kitchen and a combustion toilet. The base vehicles can be controlled remotely or from the driver's cab. They can be managed from other wagons as well.

Harsco also offers flat wagons that can be joined with an automatic coupler to build maintenance trains that are 300-440 meters long. The wagons include lifting platforms and a "unique moveable sealing gate" that can seal the tunnel to reduce wind turbulence during maintenance work, according to Harsco. The trucks will be stationed in Erstfeld and Biasco, respectively, at new tunnel maintenance centers.

Funding and Financing

A new finance model was developed as a result of the extensive discussion, and it was the subject of a popular vote on November 29th, 1998. The Swiss people approved the FinöV Fund for the funding of public transportation infrastructure (with a budget of 30 billion Swiss Francs) with a 63.5 percent "Yes" vote. 3.8 billion Swiss Francs (45 percent of the FinöV, price level 1998) were set aside to cover the NRLA's construction "à fond perdu" (lost money). Only 25% of the investment had to be financed on the private capital market due to the FinöV contribution, which represented well over 75% of the total necessary credit.

As in previous finance models, the future operator, the Swiss Federal Railways, would be responsible for repaying this portion of the investment. In 2005, however, the repayment of this portion was agreed to be waived. [9] Only 25% of the investment had to be financed on the private capital market because the FinöV contribution represented around 75% of the total necessary credit. As in previous financing models, this portion of the investment would be repaid by the future operator—the SBB-CFF-FFS. The project finance strategy enabled a clear and secure financing of the entire project from the start, regardless of the existing state budget or any political changes, preventing potential construction delays or stoppage owing to a lack of financial resources or political consensus. The Gotthard project's success hinged on the availability of reliable finance. As the constructor, ATG was responsible for two control circuits:    

(1) Project and cost management in relation to the project sponsor, the federal government;

(2) Project and cost management in relation to their vendors.

The contract between the Swiss Federal Government and ATG controlled the order placed by the Swiss Federal Government. The cost-management process was set up in general with the goal of achieving the NRLA Controlling Instructions (NCI), which outlined the critical control figures as well as the kind and frequency of reporting (every six months) and how to handle variances.

To guarantee that all project modifications could be handled and recorded in a clear and intelligible manner, a management system for engineering changes had to be updated on a regular basis. The approvals duties were clearly defined so that the essential choices could be taken at the correct time for the proper stage. Variations in performance that impacted costs and timeframes could usually only be applied after the objectives had been adjusted. The Swiss Federal Office of Transportation (FOT) was alerted in an incident report if a performance variation had to be imposed promptly for scheduling considerations.

ATG might seek for a change to the project terms when the Swiss FOT approves a change request. The major issues that led to updates of the cost reference basis were: project upgrading to incorporate new safety measures and state-of-the-art technologies (due to the project's two-decade duration); extra costs related to geology (situations with worse geological and geotechnical conditions than expected were the most impactful here, while other situations had more favorable geological and geotechnical conditions than expected); and cost overruns (due to the project's two-decade duration).

ATG tracked the progress of the likely final costs and any financial hazards on a quarterly basis and reported to the control authority every six months. The rise in credit for the Gotthard Base Tunnel alone—from 6.3 billion CHF to 9.9 billion CHF (half of the above-mentioned 13.8 billion CHF), or 53 percent without inflation—was not predicted, but it was still noteworthy. Variations stemming from orders made by the Swiss FOT, which continually tried to create a tunnel with state-of-the-art safety features and technology, accounted for about half of the additional expenses. Ground dangers, which could not be directly influenced, accounted for just 9% of the entire increase, or a sixth of the whole rise.

Policy

Referendums

1. NRLA Proposal for a budget of 3.8 billion Swiss Francs(53.4% voted “YES”)
2. Alps initiative to protect the Alpine environment (51.9% voted“YES”)
3. Public Transport Funding of 30 billion Swiss Francs (63.5% voted “YES”)
4. Bilateral EU Agreements / 40-tonne Trucks / Heavy Traffic Fee (67.2% voted ‘YES”)
5. Referendum for a second Gotthard tunnel due to demand (57% voted “YES”)

Although Switzerland is often coined as a neutral player in the political arena, the country still took great strides in persuading its own public and neighboring nations of the economic, social, and environmental benefits the Gotthard Base Tunnel would bring to the European continent. The Gotthard Committee was originally set up in 1853, named after the Gotthard mountain range and the shared interest in its development. The committee, which is still active today, was instrumental in persuading stakeholders,, such as cities, transportation associations, companies, and cantons, to promote the first mountain route and eventually the New Railway Link through the Alps (NRLA) seen today. [15]

Regional Politics

At the forefront of the Swiss political strategy is its federalism, or its approach to finding compromises to keep all participants in the Gotthard project satisfied. [15] Switzerland is comprised of 26 cantons, or federal states, each of which has its own cultures and political interests, and has full autonomy over its region's education, healthcare, law enforcement, taxes, and social welfare systems. This separation of power from the Swiss Federal Constitution, and Swiss direct democracy in national elections on public policies, often made it almost impossible for policies to be passed due to strong lobbying committees and public influence driving elections. As such, only 13 of the 26 cantons are part of the Gotthard Committee; However, the tunnel still being approved by the public came from its connection to another long Alpine tunnel, the Lotschberg, which was key to speeding up rail traffic from the western end of the country, along with improving connections in the northeast. The approval also came in part by the nationalization of the country’s 5 biggest railway companies, the last of which was the Gotthard Railway Company in 1909. [16] This shows the power of political lobbying in Swiss federalism and transport policy. [17] Ultimately, in 1998, a majority of the cantons approved the Federal Decree on the Construction and Financing of Public Transport Infrastructure Projects, propelling the massive railway project forward for the next 20 years. [15]

Aside from inter-regional politics, Switzerland also had to deal with neighboring countries of Austria, France, Germany, and Italy. As anticipated by the construction of the railway, increase in transportation of people, as well as goods, sparked the attention of Germany, Austria, and Italy specifically, leading to the 1989 congress for European solutions for rail transport across the Alps. [15] The takeaways of this congress, including the emphasis on environmental policy and high potential for economic development across Europe, led to the 1992 meeting of Switzerland and the European Economic Community (EEC), putting Switzerland as a vital point in European transport policy. The approval of the NRLA by the EEC was before even the Swiss public could approve of it, but again showing the social and economic benefits it would bring, aided in its 64% public approval later that year. [16]

Environmental Policies

Railway is a popular mode of transportation primarily for its relatively environmental friendly usage. As environmental issues became bigger concerns for voters, specifically in the 1970s, finding alternative mass transit options aside from cars and road travel became appealing. This came as perfect timing for the Gotthard Tunnel, as the 1971 passage of a new environmental protection article in the Swiss Constitution with 93% voter approval paved the way for the tunnel’s eventual landslide approval in the 1990s. [15] This article focused on the protection of human beings and the natural environment, with realization of the negative impacts of mass motorization and road traffic on ecological health. Gotthard’s later approval stems back to this early campaign among voters for sustainable transportation preservation of the Alpine environment. Later in 1992, a $10 billion construction project, the Gotthard Base Tunnel, was approved by Swiss voters. [17] Then again in 1994, 52% of voters back the Alps Initiative, which called for the Federal Constitution to protect the Alpine region from the negative impact of traffic and stop further road expansions, along with shifting traffic from road to rail. This led to a expedited development of the NRLA and the transport agreement with the EEC in 1999. [16]

Transportation Policies

Public mass transportation, such as high-speed railway, are often overlooked by governments as emphasis shifts towards modernization and optimization of road networks. This was the case for the Gotthard tunnel, as its ridership in 1980 dropped to 10% of passengers, with the remaining travel through the Alps by road instead. Gotthard’s history of being a popular mode of travel for passenger traffic and disproportionate attention to roads instead rose concerns among the Swiss Federal Railway SBB, prompting reevaluation of the federal government’s transport strategy and creating a state rail company. However, it was not all smooth sailing for the NRLA, for in 1992, Swiss voters rejected joining the European Economic Area, with implications on how goods traffic would be shifted from road to rail. The EEC demanded a renegotiation of the transport policy decisions, with a final bilateral agreement being made in 2000. [15]

Discussion Questions

1. Do you believe that this project was successful/efficient?
2. Do you believe a second tunnel should be added right next to the GBT?

References

- "New Bözberg Tunnel: Structural Measures When Tunnelling in Squeezing Rock.” Tunnel, [1]

- “The Gotthard Base Tunnel.” SBB, [2]

- More from this author See All cmsadmin Allez le Tram, et al. “Gotthard Base Tunnel, Switzerland.” Railway Technology, 17 Sept. 2021, [3]

- “Setback for Alps as Swiss Tunnel Referendum Passed.” Transport & Environment, 29 Mar. 2016, [4]

- “View the Construction of the 57 Kilometers Long Gotthard Base Tunnel in Switzerland.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., [5]

- The Gotthard Base Tunnel, [6]

- “Alptransit Portal.” Construction | Alptransit Portal, [7]

- “Science behind the Megastructures: Gotthard Base Tunnel.” Encardio Rite, 27 Jan. 2021, [8]

- Lombardi. [9]

- Risk, Contract Management, and Financing of the Gotthard Base Tunnel in Switzerland, [10]

- Gotthard Base Tunnel - Herrenknecht AG, [11]

- “Gotthard Base Tunnel.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 19 Mar. 2022, [12]

- “After 17 Years and $12 Billion, Switzerland Inaugurates World's Longest Rail Tunnel.” Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles Times, 1 June 2016, [13]

- “Gotthard Tunnel.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 28 Feb. 2022, [14]

- Bondolfi, Sibilla. “Democracy Made World's Longest Tunnel Possible.” SWI Swissinfo.ch, Swissinfo.ch, 27 Oct. 2017, [15]

- “Swiss Cantons: A Guide to Switzerland's Regions.” Expatica, 2 June 2021, [16]

- Bondolfi, Sibilla. “Democracy Made World's Longest Tunnel Possible.” SWI Swissinfo.ch, Swissinfo.ch, 27 Oct. 2017, [17]

- "Gotthard Base Tunnel’s construction: an amazing project." We Build Value, We Build Value, 27 Sept 2016, [18]

Air Traffic Control System

Introduction

Pacific Ocean (May 5, 2006) - On Abraham Lincoln (Aircraft Carrier)

This WikiBook is a case study on the Air Traffic Control System written by Marshall Petit, Roberto Polverino, and Zach Dietz for the Infrastructure: Past, Present, and Future GOVT 490-007/CEIE 499-001 Spring 2022 course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering.

Before we start it's important to know what Air Traffic Control is and its role in flight transportation. Air traffic control includes equipment and ground-based personnel that monitor and control air traffic in specific areas. There are three sections that air traffic control can be split into including: tower control, approach and departure, and en route control [1].

With the number of air passengers expected to double in the next 20 years, according to the International Air Transportation Association [7], air traffic control will have to continue evolving and adapt to the increasing amount of flight passengers and the changing environment around Air Traffic Control infrastructure. This being infrastructure that may be vulnerable to the different technology and conditions the world is experiencing, much like what is being seen with the 5g rollout and the compatibility issues that may hold.

DISCLAIMER: The information presented in this wikibook is for academic purposes only and has no particular goal beyond presenting what has been learned. Any views presented in this wikibook are the views of their respective writers and do not necessarily reflect the views of our professor, Dr. Gifford, or that of our institution, George Mason University.

Summary

Air Traffic Control (ATC) is a critical portion of aerospace infrastructure that manages the logistics and safety of air travel in a nation’s airspace. In the United States, the ATC system is operated by a government agency called the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) that works within the Department of Transportation (DOT). The act of improving and managing air travel was a concept that members of the aerospace community knew needed to be addressed as early as World War I. The federal government took responsibility for regulating US airspace in 1926 with the Air Commerce Act and created the first organization to manage ATC in the US, the Civil Aeronautics Authority (CAA), in 1938.

ATC is most commonly recognized as a safety measure for air travel, but it also organizes the airspace of a nation and allows aircraft to safely travel along established pathways, or routes, across an open environment. The current method of organization, along with the tools and strategies it utilizes, has been a stable part of air transportation for about 80 years. It has, however, offered stability that has given its users the ability to maintain its operation and efficiency without the need to evaluate and/or upgrade major portions of its system often. Technological advancement is an issue the FAA faces on two different accounts. First, growing technology in other industries, such as 5G communications, can affect the technology used in ATC. Second, after many years of relying on the same systems since WWII, the need to update the FAA’s own technology to create a safer and more efficient method of organizing air travel has become a cumbersome and costly task that needs to be carried out quickly, but also carefully to recognize the effects that implementation and the new technology have on American communities and the aerospace industry. There are also critics who push to not only overhaul the current system, but to also take responsibility and management out of the federal government’s hands and privatize ATC.

Actors

Public Sector:

• The Federal Aviation Administration (FAA): A sub-agency of the United States Department of Transportation; it manages the regulation of US airspace.

• The Air Traffic Organization (ATO): A branch division of the FAA directly charged with managing the operation of ATC.

• The US Department of Transportation (DOT): The cabinet department of the federal government that the FAA and ATO operate within.

• Airport Authorities: The groups, individuals, and organizations charged with maintaining the operation of their respective airports across the country. The executives are usually appointed by local government officials.

Private Sector:

• Airline Corporations: The primary providers of commercial air transportation across the world. While there are four major companies in the United States (United, Delta, Southwest, and American), there are smaller American businesses as well as international airlines that carry passengers and goods through US Airspace.

Timeline

Wright Brothers (December 17th, 1903)

The first powered flight from the Wright Brothers proved that airplanes could be made and work, but it would not be until 1927 when planes could be used to carry passengers commercially.

Planes of WW2

World War 1 (1914 – 1918)

Trench Warfare in WW1 made reconnaissance difficult, and aviation was the only means of informing allies of enemy whereabouts and plans beyond their trench lines. The use of reconnaissance aviation in WW1 actually sped the development process of planes and aviation technology. People also started to understand the importance of controlling aircraft and how there was a necessity in directing planes so that crashes could be avoided. Cars are a great comparison to what went on with aviation during this time. When automobile technology was first being used there was no means of trying to control and manage traffic in any way until the use of cars became more common.

Transcontinental airmail service (1920)

The transcontinental airmail service was established in 1920. Mail was being flown across the country which expanded aviation to other practical uses that benefit people’s everyday lives. Flight was not possible during the night at this stage and mail had to be placed on trains that then finished off the mailing route. Nighttime travel was then tested on February 22, 1921 when the U.S. Postal Service attempted an experiment to fly mail out at night using bonfires to guide the planes. This experiment consisted of multiple planes, with one that crashed soon after take off resulting in the death of the pilot. This leads us to our first form of air traffic control infrastructure being rotating beacons that ended up replacing the use of bonfires.

Air Commerce Act of 1926

Federal involvement began with the Air Commerce Act of 1926 due to the recognition of increased air traffic and the need of having standards set in order to make flight safer and more controlled. The Air Commerce Act consisted of regulations that involved aircraft inspections, air traffic rules, aircraft requiring certification, and pilots requiring licenses. Airways and navigation aids also came from the Air Commerce Act of 1926.

Radar Antenna

Civil Aeronautics Authority (1938)

In 1938, Congress created the Civil Aeronautics Authority (CAA), which centralized regulation and execution of air traffic control. This was responsible for concentrating all regulation coming from the federal government into a single agency.

Radar technology (1952)

Radar technology was a primary tool in most flights involving arrival and departure by this time. This was seen as a revolutionary form of technology for air traffic control. The way it worked was through transmission involving beams of radio waves that are electromagnetic. These beams are sent out and reflected by objects. The receiver accepts the energy from the radio waves that return and the time elapsed since that initial transmission began is measured [3].

Federal Aviation Act (1958)

This created what is today known as the Federal Aviation Administration but back then called the Federal Aviation Agency. This allowed the agency to control and oversee safety in aviation for the industry both on the military and civilian side for the United States.

Contract ATC Towers are Introduced (1982)

In 1981, over 12,000 members of a union called the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) began a nationwide strike in retaliation to the FAA. The two parties had failed to reach a collective bargaining agreement that met PATCO’s demands, such as pay raises and reduced work hours, and acknowledged their concerns about the pressure associated with their work. President Ronald Reagan subsequently fired every member of the ATC union that continued to participate after being ordered to return to work in an effort to show that the federal government would not tolerate a strike [19]. The mass release of the FAA’s workforce left the agency with significantly fewer employees and in need of labor from a new source. In 1982, the FAA began a new program to help alleviate its labor issue. The agency transferred its own employees out of ATC towers that regulated very little airspace activity and began hiring contract workers to manage everyday operations in an effort to allocate resources. This policy continues to be carried out by the FAA Contract Tower Program (FCT) [18].

Workforce (Today)

Controllers are on duty for 24hrs and work at more than 350 locations spread out across the United States. There is no room for mistakes in this job since people's lives are in controllers hands. The strain, both mental and physical, is high and new air traffic controllers being hired cannot be older than 31 and are required to retire by the age 56. The FAA hires these controllers directly and once hired they attend training that lasts multiple years. These controllers learn a wide array of skill sets including: communication, equipment functionality, team work, and weather phenomena [8].

Delivery and Technology

The Federal Aviation Administration runs the ATC network through 22 Air Route Traffic Control Centers (ARTCC) across the United States that handle their own respective region. They are generally headquartered in major cities that are located near the coast (Los Angeles, Oakland), are the biggest metropolises in their given regions (Houston, Chicago), are major travel hub centers through airports (Albuquerque, Cleveland), and/or are near a major military installation (Ft. Worth, Jacksonville) [21].

Radar

The radar dish sends out radio waves, which bounce off of objects back to the radar dish, creating “images” of objects and/or weather phenomena in the air. Different radar dishes operate at different frequencies, or “bands”, allowing them to travel at different distances with different degrees of accuracy; the longer the distance, the lower the accuracy. Ex: E-band is long range, K-band is short range. E-band could be used to detect high-altitude aircraft, while K-band could be used to view the location of aircraft and vehicles near the runway during poor weather conditions. Multiple radar bands are used simultaneously to get a full idea of air traffic conditions.

Radio

ATC centers and pilots use two-way radios to contact one another. A two-way radio is a radio that can both send and receive transmissions.

In order to communicate by radio

1. Both radios must be on the same channel
2. Both radios must be on the same frequency
3. Both radios must be on the same of either plain text or cipher text
   • Plain text is unencrypted, meaning the data being transmitted is unchanged
   • Ciphertext is encrypted, meaning the data is scrambled.
     • If using ciphertext, each radio must be loaded with the same encryption key, otherwise they will be unable to unscramble communications.
4. Line of sight between radios must be achieved. This can either be direct line of sight, where the ATC operator’s and pilot’s radios can directly see one another, or through a “webbed” line of sight, where communications bounce from radio to radio until they reach their destination. The latter could be required during adverse weather conditions, such as when a stormcloud blocks direct line of sight between an ATC tower and a plane.

Most radios will be of the analog variety, or the typical radio you would imagine since World War II. The further the signal goes, the less clear it is, and only one person can communicate on any given frequency at a time. At the same time, these radios are easy to use, reliable, and cheap to manufacture. Newer radios are digital radios, which change your voice into binary (the computer language of 1s and 0s). Binary is simpler than audio data, and as such can be transmitted over further distances more efficiently and with less loss. As such, digital radios tend to have clearer audio. Digital radios are a newer technology, so they are not as widespread. They are also much more expensive than analog radios, and the extra cost is often not worth the increased benefits when analog radios are still capable of doing the job well [20].

Finances of Air Traffic Control

As with most divisions of the federal government, the FAA’s annual budget is requested by the Presidency as part of the Department of Transportation’s overall budget and determined and allocated by Congress. The budget process is an intricate and cumbersome procedure that begins with the President sending a detailed budget request to Congress by the first Monday February. Congress then sends the request to budget committees in the House and the Senate, who create a resolution that sets amounts for mandatory and discretionary spending and must be passed with a majority vote by April 15th. Once passed, Congress will send the resolution to be reviewed by each chambers’ appropriation committees, who will each then send the resolution to twelve subcommittees, each overseeing the budget for a particular agency and/or field of government. These subcommittees will debate amongst themselves and consult experts and agency officials to determine how much spending will be allocated to each agency of the government and what it will be used for. The subcommittees then write their decisions into appropriations bills for the chambers to vote on. All appropriations bills must be passed by the start of the federal fiscal year on October 1st or the government will shut down [13].

In the 2021 fiscal year, the FAA has been granted a total budget of nearly $18 billion, about $14.6 billion of which is regarded as discretionary funds, meaning the FAA can choose what to dedicate most of its money towards (DOT, page Budget Summary Tables 2). More than $8.2 billion has been dedicated to operations of the Air Traffic Organization, roughly $5.9 billion covering salaries and expenses while more than $2.3 billion will pay for actual program costs (DOT, page Operations- Air Traffic Organization 1). Roughly $993 million is dedicated towards the implementation of NextGen, with roughly $794 million funding the facilities and equipment costs, such as weather programs, implementation portfolios, and new systems for unmanned aircraft (DOT, page Budget Summary Tables 12) [12].

Lessons

Grand Canyon Collision (1956)

A common theme throughout this retrospective look at air traffic control is the evolution of flight technology due to tragic mistakes that resulted from carelessness or inadequate resources. One of these examples was the collision of two planes over the grand canyon in 1956 which resulted in 128 casualties. Policy acts accordingly in response to any outrage or feedback on an event, and sadly it takes a tragic incident in order for progress to be made for many cases. Because of the incident that occurred over the grand canyon, the government responded by implementing the Federal Aviation Act of 1958 which allowed for the Federal Aviation Agency to take full, consolidated responsibility over both the military and civil air and traffic control system. Congress also used roughly $250 million to fund the improvement of radar technology because of that incident. This tragic event that occurred over the grand canyon in many ways initiated the death of flying’s freedom [2]. What is meant by this is that the rise of mid-air collisions paved the way for a more interconnected system that used radar and communication technology to have control over the skies and not just treat it like an open area where anyone can occupy the space. The problem with the old system was that it lacked control and surveillance. The air traffic control system we have today makes sure that the skies are watched and controlled using this interconnected and complex network.

After seeing the change in air traffic control over the U.S, it is important to also recognize that evolving isn't always the correct step forward and sometimes the situation calls for other ways of dealing with a problem. Much like the complicated situation that's being seen with 5G rollout and the issues with the existing equipment.

5G Rollout

5G Tower

5G is a standard that is now replacing the familiar 4G for mobile communication and surfing the web. 5G would be the latest and fastest version, but is catching some attention for possible problems it could cause. The Federal Aviation Administration has recently come out and addressed the potential problems 5G could cause for some of the automated features pilots use when either flying the plane or landing [5]. Wireless towers are the source of this problem since any of the towers nearby transmit these 5G signals.

The automated systems in the cockpit are extremely important for plane travel. The prevention of collisions on air and ground as well as landing in hazardous weather conditions are primary uses of this technology. Another piece of technology that is being considered in potential threats from 5G signals are radar altimeters, which are instruments that measure the distance between the ground and the aircraft above.

3.7 - 4.2 GHz is the frequency range of concern. This is optimal for 5G usage. Aviation Equipment functions under a frequency range of 4.2 - 4.4 GHz which makes for an increased chance of interference [5].

The problem with this issue is 5G offers a very substantial speed increase from its 4G predecessor. A delay in 5G affects the competitiveness for America in innovation and advancement. This is especially important for industries that use the high speed communication/internet capabilities and the telecom business that manages these capabilities.

Airlines such as United, are stressing their concerns to the Biden Administration here in the U.S and emphasizing the fact that other countries have taken more time into dealing with 5G rollout and implementing new policies to resolve the issue. In early December both AT & T and Verizon had planned to rollout the 5G but delayed it two different times [4].

So far the FAA (Federal Aviation Administration) is working with government officials to plan out a solution, one that will allow both of these things to coexist since both are indeed crucial. New statements are posted on the FAA website along with their publication dates with the most recent having been released late February. This statement addressed revisions that are being done to landing requirements for specific Boeing 737 series planes landing at airports where 5G interference could potentially occur [6].

Privatization

Privatizing ATC has been an ongoing discussion to deregulate air travel and save money within the federal government. The discussion of privatization has recently been addressed in 2017. The House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee reviewed the 21st Century AIRR Act, written by Chairman Bill Shuster (R-PA) and committee member Frank LoBiondo (R-NJ), that would give a private corporate board control, management, and financial responsibilities of ATC in the United States. This would allow the board to charge for service and the decisive power to allocate funds to initiatives and facilities of their choice [9].

If control of ATC was taken away from the FAA, the few American-based airline companies left could have a greater say in destinations and air travel overall by choosing where to fund ATC facilities and which initiatives to support. This could affect the economic outlooks of cities that are not chosen by major companies or the airline corporations to receive funding, putting the tourism industries and accessibility of cities at risk.

The bill was passed out of committee, but privatization of ATC remained as an invigorated topic of discussion within the aerospace community [9]. There are several countries that use a privatized ATC system, most notably Canada, which uses a non-profit corporation created by the government in 1996 called Nav Canada. While the corporation has offered a stable, hands-off alternative to the national government running ATC, it is also a smaller organization that manages airspace for a country not as vigorously traveled as the United States. Nav Canada employs 4,000 workers that operate in 100 facilities and it manages 18 million square kilometers of airspace, or less than 7 million square miles [10]. The FAA’s workforce consists of roughly 14,000 employees working in 350 facilities that collectively regulate about 26,400,000 square miles of airspace [11]. If the federal government decides to put responsibility of ATC in possession of the private sector, it should expect a slow transition and a need to assist in the creation of a more robust organization to handle this vital work for a growing industry in a capacity that would exceed the peak of the FAA's involvement.

Implementation of NextGen

Technology, however advanced, durable, and useful, will eventually become outdated and need to be replaced, and the FAA is facing that reality with its ATC technology. ATC is currently managed through a radar system developed during World War II which, while more than serviceable in its roughly 80 years of use, is limited in its ability to create direct air routes safely and efficiently. The FAA intends to overhaul this system by replacing it with its multi-billion dollar NextGen initiative, which utilizes satellite-based navigation. This will not only allow for more direct flights, but will also give the FAA the capacity to monitor more flights at a single time and will help them to mitigate the environmental impact of air travel. [14]

NextGen was first initiated in 2003 when Congress passed the Vision 100- Century of Aviation Reauthorization Act [15]. The FAA, however, has experienced many delays in implementing the new system. New forms of equipment and software are needed on aircraft, in ATC towers, and in airports. The FAA also needs to train and/or hire the employees, pilots, and airport staff that will be part of using this modern program. The agency also needs to reevaluate its facilities, its users, and airports across the country to determine what changes in procedures need to be made to accommodate the new program, such as take-off and landing and in-flight navigation. All aspects of this revaluation may need to be resolved on a case-by-case basis. The deadline to fully implement NextGen was originally set for 2025, but the Coronavirus pandemic forced the agency to temporarily place integration lower on its priorities list, and speculation from within the FAA as early as 2013 stated the project was about ten years behind schedule [16].

While the initiative will allow for a faster, more fuel efficient industry when fully implemented, changing air routes that have been in place for decades will also cause changes in other areas of life. Communities across the country have begun to experience louder noise from flights due to redirected routes. The increase in noise pollution has been called on to be addressed by the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure with several of its members claiming the FAA did not seek input from communities that would experience flight rerouting or an environmental review that addressed these changes. The FAA, in response, intends to set up a complaint program online to take in new information to mitigate noise pollution and adjust flight patterns [17].

The ultimate goal of NextGen is not just to create faster, safer, and more efficient air travel, but to restructure the organized environment of airspace and the methods the FAA uses to control it. Unfortunately, airspace is not the only part of the US that will see changes as implementation continues. Just like renovating another capital investment/project, NextGen will noticeably affect surrounding areas as it is implemented and will alter the businesses and quality of life for communities around airports. While it is still necessary to upgrade the ATC system to satellite-based navigation, especially as other nations begin to move toward their own implementation, it will be vital for the FAA to recognize the effects of its work outside of its facilities.

Discussion Questions

• Is the United States spending the appropriate amount of money on ATC and the FAA at large? If not, how much should be spent and towards what policies/capital/initiatives?

• How should the FAA approach the issue of 5G rollout and future issues that could emerge from technological advancements in the private sector? Should there be collaboration between the government and communication companies to resolve the current issue? If so, how much?

• How concerned should the FAA be when communities report increased noise pollution due to new air routes created by satellite navigation? What do you think it can do to help mitigate this and other effects of its changing system?

• What other issues could arise from the implementation of the NextGen program?

• Did the FAA and the federal government wait the appropriate amount of time before addressing the need to update its ATC system? If not, when should they have first addressed the issue?

• Should the responsibility of ATC be taken away from the federal government and privatized? If so, should a non-profit corporation be created to run it or should it be managed by a commission of airline companies? Why do you think?

• If privatizing ATC is not feasible but the federal government is not offering a satisfactory service, what should be done?

• What do you believe will be the next issue the federal government and the FAA will face towards the operation of ATC?

References

1) What is Air Traffic Control? (2018). Sofia Tokar. https://www.snhu.edu/about-us/newsroom/stem/what-is-air-traffic-control

2) Echoes in the Grand Canyon: Public Catastrophes and Technologies of Control in American Aviation. (2007). Taylor & Francis. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0734151042000202045

3) How Do Radars Work? (2021, October 13). Lockheed Martin. https://www.lockheedmartin.com/en-us/news/features/2021/how-do-radars-work.html#:%7E:text=%20How%20Do%20Radars%20Work%3F%20%201%20Step,measures%20the%20time%20elapsed%20since%20the. . .%20More%20

4) Butts, T. (2022, January 18). U.S. Airlines Issue Dire Warning Over This Week’s 5G Rollout. TVTechnology. https://www.tvtechnology.com/news/us-airlines-issue-dire-warning-over-this-weeks-5g-rollout

5) Tangel, A., & Ryan, T. (2021, Oct 30). FAA Plans Warnings to Pilots, Airlines Over New 5G Rollout. Wall Street Journal https://www.proquest.com/docview/2588203846

6) Access Denied. (2022). FAA. https://www.faa.gov/newsroom/faa-statements-5g

7) 2036 Forecast Reveals Air Passengers Will Nearly Double to 7.8 Billion. (2017, October 24). IATA. https://www.iata.org/en/pressroom/pr/2017-10-24-01/

8) National Air Traffic Controllers Association. (2022, April 15). Home. NATCA. https://www.natca.org/

Link to pdf going through the history of ATC from same website: https://www.natca.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/NATCA_ATC_History.pdf

9)The House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. (n.d.). Air Traffic Control Privatization. The House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. https://transportation.house.gov/committee-activity/air-traffic-control-privatization

10) Nav Canada. (n.d.). About Us. Nav Canada. https://www.navcanada.ca/en/corporate/about-us.aspx https://www.navcanada.ca/en/corporate/about-us.aspx

11) Federal Aviation Administration. (2022, March 18). Air Traffic by the Numbers. Federal Aviation Administration. https://www.faa.gov/air_traffic/by_the_numbers/

12) US Department of Transportation, BUDGET ESTIMATES FISCAL YEAR 2022 (2022). US Department of Transportation. https://www.faa.gov/about/budget

Link to pdf going through the budget proposal of the FAA in 2022 from same website: https://www.transportation.gov/sites/dot.gov/files/2021-05/FAA-FY-2022-Congressional-Justification.pdf</nowiki>

13) Policy basics: Introduction to the federal budget process. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. (2020, April 2). https://www.cbpp.org/research/introduction-to-the-federal-budget-process

14) This is NextGen. Federal Aviation Administration. (2022, January 5). https://www.faa.gov/nextgen/this_is_nextgen/

15)NextGen. Federal Aviation Administration. (2022, March 8). https://www.faa.gov/nextgen/

16) Jackson, W. (2013, July 22). What's keeping FAA's NextGen Air Traffic Control on the runway? GCN. https://gcn.com/data-analytics/2013/07/whats-keeping-faas-nextgen-air-traffic-control-on-the-runway/281800/

17) Aratani, L. (2022, March 17). Lawmakers examine FAA response to aviation noise, say more public outreach is needed. The Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/transportation/2022/03/17/congress-airplane-noise-airports/

18) FAA Contract Tower Program. Federal Aviation Administration. (n.d.). https://www.faa.gov/about/office_org/headquarters_offices/ato/service_units/mission_support/faa_contract_tower_program

19) Barera, M. (2021, September 2). The 1981 PATCO Strike. University of Texas at Arlington Libraries. https://libraries.uta.edu/news-events/blog/1981-patco-strike#:~:text=Forty%20years%20ago%2C%20in%20August,Administration%20(FAA)%20broke%20down

20) Digital vs. Analog Radios: What you need to know. TwoWayRadioGear. (n.d.). https://twowayradiogear.com/blogs/news/digital-vs-analog-radios-what-you-need-to-know

21) Kern, R. M., By, & -. (2020, January 1). Air Route Traffic Control. AVweb. https://www.avweb.com/flight-safety/faa-regs/air-route-traffic-control/

All images were used from WikiMedia Commons

New Orleans Levees

Louisiana Levee System Summary

A levee system consists is a structure that protects, prevents, and reduces the high risk impact of flooding that could potentially negatively affect a society. A levee reduces the damage of vertical and horizontal infrastructure like when Hurricane Katrina in Louisiana damaged a lot of homes, commercial buildings, hospitals, schools, roads, bridges, etc. The impact of the flooding destroys societal infrastructures as well like how Hurricane Katrina not only did physical damage to the buildings but also led to reconstructing the Levee System overall. The hurricane impacted policies in Louisiana, as well as existing and new institutional structures like the U.S. Corps of Army Engineers and Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority post Hurricane Katrina.

What is a levee/levee system?

The National Flooding Insurance Program defines a levee as "a man-made structure, usually an earthen embankment, designed to contain, control, or divert the flow of water in order to reduce the risk of flooding."[1]

The National Flooding Insurance Program defines a levee system as "a flood protection system which consists of a levee, or levees, and associated structures, such as closure and drainage devices." [1]

Timeline of Events

Before 1717 attempts to control the Mississippi River consisted mainly of fortifying the river's natural levees. The French then proceeded to build the first man-made levee system near New Orleans from 1717 to 1727. The levee measured up to 3 feet in most locations it was constructed but failed to contain the river during periods of heavy flooding. The levees were privately maintained by local landowners, who used slaves and prisoners to perform the work. [2]

In 1859 however, a levee rupture close to New Orleans flooded 200 city blocks and displaced thousands of residents. Because of this, Congress passed the Swamp Act and conducted surveys of the lower Mississippi River. This sparked debate as to how the river should be controlled, more levees? Or more man-made outlets and spillways? Soon after, the levee system was greatly damaged during the Civil War. After the war, the State Board of Levee Commissioners, allocated monies to replace the sections that were damaged. Despite this, not much was accomplished by 1870. [2]

This then resulted in Congress replacing the State Board of Levee Commissioners with the Mississippi River Commission. This new commission was created to maintain and control the Mississippi river. [2]

Starting in 1885, under the leadership of Andrew A. Humphreys, the US Army Corps of Engineers started a "levees only" policy. This policy resulted in the US Army Corps of Engineers extending the Louisiana Levee system and other levee systems near the Mississippi River. By 1926, the US Army Corps of Engineers created a levee system that extended from Cairo, Illinois, to New Orleans. [2]

42 years later, one of the most destructive river floods occurred in US history. The Great Flood of 1927 landed in seven states and caused roughly 637,000 people to become homeless. In Louisiana alone, 20 parishes went underwater. One noteworthy event that happened in Louisiana happened on April 29, when politicians ordered the National Guard to destroy the Caernarvon levee to protect New Orleans by redirecting the flood to the less populated region of St. Bernard and Plaquemines Parishes. Two days before the destruction of the levee, trucks and convoys were sent to evacuate around 10,000 residents whose homes and livelihoods were destroyed. [3]

38 years later, Hurricane Betsy, one of the deadliest and costliest storms in US history landed near New Orleans. On September 9,1965 seventy-six people died, and the storm caused more than $1 billion in damages. It resulted in the establishment of the US Army Corps of Engineers Hurricane Protection Program, which provided the protection for New Orleans that failed disastrously during Hurricane Katrina. [4]

40 years later, Hurricane Katrina and Rita struck New Orleans. Hurricane Katrina was especially deadly, being the largest and 3rd strongest hurricane ever recorded to make landfall in the United States. Around 1,577 Louisiana residents died. Additionally, it is estimated that hurricane Katrina caused up to $81 billion in property damages. However, it is also estimated that the economic impact combined in Louisiana and Mississippi exceeded $150 billion. [5]Due to Hurricane Katrina exposing how fragile the state of Louisiana's levee systems the state along with the aid of Congress completely rebuilt its flood protection system. With the allotment of $14 billion from Congress, The US Army Corps of Engineers constructed the Hurricane Storm Damage Risk Reduction System, or HSDRRS for short. Lastly, the Louisiana legislature created the Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority east/west after making the conclusion that the protection of its citizens would be better served by combining its many New Orleans levee districts. [6]

Institutions/Annotated List of Actors

There is no single authority responsible for the entire system of levees in Louisiana. Instead it is a combination of multiple institutions that actively work together to deliver risk information, provision, production, maintenance, and coordination.

FEMA:

The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) works to identify flood hazards and assess flood risk for stakeholders, such as damage to property or businesses, as well as any other financial risks throughout levee-affected areas. They work with federal, state, local, and even tribal partners to help identify and understand each area’s specific risk and how best to alleviate it. They are also responsible for the establishment of various programs such as the Flood Insurance Rate Maps (FIRMs) and Flood Risk Products (FRPs). These are up to date compilations of data that is able to assess and communicate these risks within the flood hazard areas, which then leads to policy action. [7]Convincing people of the risks can be a difficult sell because the levee system is created to control floods and reduce the risks, yet the system cannot eliminate it. Levee failures can be caused by various different circumstances such as improper maintenance, inadequate foundations, erosion, seepage, etc. Because of this, FEMA states it is imperative for the local and state governments and its citizens to understand and take proactive measures to reduce the chance of a levee failure.

One of the most critically important aspects of FEMA’s work is their ability to decrease risk to stakeholders in the area, they do this by providing insurance to those who are impacted by flooding. The National Flood Insurance Program was established on August 1, 1968 when Congress passed the National Flood Insurance Act. This act has been modified over the years, but its main goal is to provide federal insurance to homeowners, renters, and business owners. [7]

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers:

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) is responsible for the construction and maintenance of the system levee’s not just throughout the New Orleans area and Mississippi river valley, but across the entire country. Their Levee Safety Program is meant to ensure the reliability and capability of the levee structure that are able to withstand severe storms and then recommend courses of action. Their recommendations are to make sure the system does not allow for intolerable risk to the public, property, and the environment. [8]

The USACE has also undergone the implementation of a number of vital flood control projects in the New Orleans area. The Bonnet Carrè Spillway, which is located 28 miles above New Orleans, is the southernmost floodway from the Mississippi River system. It is situated in St. Charles Parish on the east bank where it can divert some of the flood water from the river into a nearby lake, which then flows into the Gulf of Mexico, thus allowing high water to bypass New Orleans and other nearby river communities. [9]

Hurricane and Storm Damage and Risk Reduction System:

After the devastation of Katrina the Corps of Engineers was authorized and received federal funding of 14.6 billion dollars to design and build the Hurricane and Storm Damage Risk Reduction System (HSDRRS). This is the flood protection system responsible for protecting the coastal regions of southeast Louisiana. This was a project meant to construct new levees, flood walls, flood gates, pumping stations or upgrade existing ones. The goal is to diminish the risk of hurricane and storm damage in the greater New Orleans metropolitan area. The HSDRRS is the single largest civil works project in the history of the USACE. The system is intended to increase public safety and reduce property damage from storm surges in southeast Louisiana. [10]

It comprises a total of 350 mile long perimeter system that consists of two Congressionally authorized risk reduction projects; the Lake Pontchartrain Vicinity located on the east bank of the Mississippi, and the West Bank and Vicinity. It is a combination of barriers, sector gates, floodwalls, floodgates and levees which provides a “wall” around each of the vicinities. It also contains 70 miles of interior risk reduction systems including 73 nonfederal pumping stations, 3 canal closure structures, and 4 gated outlets [11]. The interior risk reduction system includes both the world’s largest surge protector and the world’s largest drainage pump station. The System significantly reduces the risk of flooding for over 1 million residents in the Greater New Orleans area from a 100- year storm; this is a severe storm surge that has a 1% chance of occurring in any given year. [12]After the completion of various projects within the system, the USACE relinquishes operation and maintenance duties and transfers it to the Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority.

South East Louisiana Flood Protection Authority:

Another critically important institutional aspect of the levee system is the Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority (SLFPA) which was created in 2006. This is an institution that was formed as a direct result of the aftermath and destruction of hurricane Katrina. The state of Louisiana felt that the coordination of levee system projects and plans would be more efficient if the levee districts were regionalized rather than constructed by the USACE and maintained solely by local levee boards as it was before Katrina. [13]

The SLFPA is broken up into two regions, east and west; this due to the fact that the East Bank and the West Bank are separated by the Mississippi River and are located in two different flood basins. The threat of flooding on the East Bank comes from Lake Pontchartrain while the threat of flooding on the West Bank comes from storm surge from the Gulf of Mexico. Because of this, the East and West both have different priorities and areas of focus; hence they are run by separate boards, all of whom are appointed by the governor. The SLFPA works closely with the US Army Corps of Engineers, by providing input on design and construction of the HSDRRS and its components. When the last major project of the levee system was officially completed, the operation responsibilities were transferred from the USACE to the SLFPA. [13]

Risk

The New Orleans East and West Bank Levee Systems are classified as high risk due to significant costs associated with the system in combination with the possibility of it being broke in to. Its risks are due to the fact that, if breached, both commercial and residential areas in St. Charles, Orleans, Jefferson, and St. Bernard, and Plaquemines parishes would be flooded with water. Another risk associated with the levee system is a breach prior to overtopping due to the lack of armoring. Armoring for all of the HSDRRS levees with High Performance Turf Reinforcement Mats are being installed to increase the resiliency of the levees. The HSDRRS is also designed to reduce the risk associated with a 100-year storm. The levees are in good condition and expected to perform well under future loads. [14] [16]

Maps/Images

Map of Louisiana Levee System

First Map: [15]; Second Map: [14] ;Third Map: [16]

Funding/Financing

Due to the lack of profit motive associated with levee systems, it is something that is completely funded/financed through governments at all levels; federal, state, and local. Levees are a pure public good that everyone benefits from, because they are non-rivalrous and non-excludable. Non-rivalrous by the means of one person’s consumption does not hinder another person’s consumption. Non- excludable meaning everyone in the levee affected area benefits from its use regardless of whether you paid for it or not.

After Katrina, the federal government authorized funds for 14.6 billion dollars in order to upgrade existing and construct new structures to secure the New Orleans levee system. The federal government completely funded all of the original levee and flood control infrastructure that was destroyed. However, the federal government funded 65% of the additional new projects that strengthen Louisiana’s levee system such as floodgates, pump stations, and surge barriers while the Louisiana government took payment of the rest of the 35% with interest. [17]

Yet Louisiana is struggling to pay the debt back in time. For the first ten years, Louisiana did not have to make any payments on the 35% they owed. But, during those ten years, interest began to accumulate immediately. Currently the US legislatures from Louisiana are working on a deal to allow for the forgiveness of construction interest charges if Louisiana is able to pay off their debt fully by 2023. If they are able to pay off this debt, Louisiana will be able to save at least $1 billion in interest charges. If they are unable to pay it back, the state will have to structure a 30 year repayment plan, with interest; the total cost associated would be close to $3 billion. [18]

The authority has the ability to gain funding through taxes from referendums or can request funds through grants, authorizations, or appropriations from the state or local governments. In order to obtain such funding, the SLFPA must be able to forecast its upcoming financial responsibilities. That being said, it is very difficult to forecast upcoming financial responsibilities because of the various demands and regulations being placed on the authority, which in turn requires more funding to meet these demands. Their 2015 forecast suggested that due to insufficient funds of jurisdictional expenses beyond 2016, the SLFPA-W would be at a 50 million dollar deficit by 2024. To combat this financial insufficiency, the SLFPA-W launched a public education campaign and put tax referendums on the ballot for the West Jefferson Levee District (WJLD) and the Algiers Levee District (ALD). The tax was approved by the ALD but it failed in the WJLD. [19]

Policy Issues

Natural Flood Solutions and climate change:

Climate is testing the limits of infrastructure nation-wide.  More specifically, with more extreme weather patterns and rising sea levels, the traditional infrastructure used to build levees are being called into question. Even though the New Orleans levee system, which was rebuilt after hurricane Katrina, is stronger and more effective than it was previously before Katrina, it does nothing to change the reality that New Orleans is currently sinking into the Gulf of Mexico.  Also, the New Orleans levee system is only designed to withstand a hundred year storm, which is concerning given that the occurrence of five hundred year floods is becoming more common.  . Additionally,  other levee systems were also not as fortunate as the New Orleans levee system in combating hurricane Ida.  For example, the town of Lafitte was inundated by the hurricane even though they recently created a seven foot tall levee that had been intended as a long term investment for the small shrimping town. [20]

Levee failures during Ida, such as those in Lafitte, expose the reality that no matter how tall you are able to build a wall, nature at some point will always be able to topple it, especially in the state of climate change we are in right now.  One policy decision that can be derived from this is some sort of coordinated relocation of people living in flood prone areas,  also known as “managed retreat” by climate experts.  As weather events become more severe and sea levels continue to rise, continuing to spend resources on levees seems futile.  And even if the relocation of major cities such as New Orleans is not attainable, doing so in other places, such as the town of Latiffe, is necessary and achievable. [20]

Another course of policy is the adoption of natural flood solutions. Like it sounds, natural flood solutions seek to use the environment of the United States to combat floods, rather than continuing to build levees with concrete and steel.  The realization that climate change is challenging the traditional ways in which the United States has gone about controlling and preventing floods is so obvious, Congress recently passed the 2020 Water Resources Development Act.  The act directs the US Army Engineer of Corps to consider nature-based systems just as much as traditional levee infrastructure. [21]

One example of a natural flood control solution was when the US Army Corps of Engineers built a 5 mile stretch in Missouri river after one of their levees was over toppled.  This opened about 1,000 acres of floodplain that helped reduce future flooding while also providing habitat for species considered rare and declining in population.  This success story is not the norm however, given that the US Army Corps of Engineers prefers to work fast to repair levees, rather than construct pathways for diverting flood water, and need time to acquire land, like they did in the Missouri river.  This is concerning because over the past 5 years weather and climate-related disasters have cost the United States more than $630 in damages. [21]

Another  natural flood control solution is mangrove forest.  On top of providing wildlife habitats, they also provide natural protection against flood waves.  Mangroves can also regrow, providing perpetual protection.  Furthermore, one study in 2016 showed that northeastern states saved more than $625 million during superstorm Sandy, in part because areas that have wetlands averaged 10% less property damage than those without. [21]

The impacts of climate change now and in the future, are currently challenging the traditional ways in which the United States manages and controls floods.  Traditional levee infrastructure may not be enough to combat rising sea levels and more extreme weather patterns.    

Environmental Racism?

Inequities in regards to levees and levee systems are apparent in Louisiana.  Ironton, is a small town in Plaquemines Parish, and 30 miles south of New Orleans.  Ironton is also one of the oldest predominantly black communities in Louisiana, founded by freed slaves in 1800, and currently made up of around 52 black families.  Unlike New Orleans, Ironton did not fare as well against Hurricane Ida.  On top of vehicles, sheds, and other sorts of personal property being damaged, more valuable and sentimental objects such as homes, churches, and coffins were damaged, dislodged, or/and even completely destroyed. [22]

Many residents of Ironton believe that if the government of Louisiana had invested enough resources into creating adequate levees, the extreme damages that occurred because of Hurricane Ida would have been prevented.  According to US Army Corps of Engineers public affairs specialist René Poché, the levees near Ironton and other communities were essentially mounds of dirt and provided little protection from the 150 mph winds that the storm produced. [23] Audrey Trufant, a former Plaquemines Parish councilwoman, sees the destruction in Ironton as primarily a man made disaster saying, “This could have been prevented years ago, but its due to discrimination and the history of this parish that we’re in the predicament that we’re in today”. [22]

Lastly, the lack of resources to create and maintain adequate flood control safety measures have been speculated to be in part influenced by the states desire to let private fossil fuel companies set up shop in resource rich land. [22]

Narrative

Louisiana's Levee System is a major portion of Louisiana’s infrastructure. The Levee system is centered around the creation of different policies that institutions like FEMA, USACE, and SLFPA make. FEMA, a federal agency, works with state, local, and tribal representatives to help identify and analyze flood hazards and its financial risk. Some ways that FEMA does this is through the creation of reports such as Flood Insurance Rate Maps and Flood Risk Products.

The SLFPA was created after Hurricane Katrina, to centralize various parishes to help with the coordination of flood control amongst the New Orleans parishes. It is divided into two entities known as the East and West due to their locations along the Mississippi River.

After Hurricane Katrina, the USACE was funded $14.6 billion by the federal government to construct the HSDRRS. Their main goal was to create a system of protection against flooding in the coastal regions of southeast Louisiana. New levees, flood walls, flood gates, and upgraded pumping stations were constructed to lower the risk of damages associated with storms in New Orleans.

Levees are public goods, therefore, Louisiana's levee system is publicly funded because the private sector has no motivation for profit. As stated above, Louisiana was given $14.6 billion, yet they are having trouble paying back their dues with interest. The federal government has funded 65% of the cost but the other 35% must be payed by the state. Louisiana can either pay off their debt in full without interest by 2023, or structure a 30 year payment plan.

Climate change has challenged the way that traditional flood control measures are implemented. Levees will not change the fact that the water levels are rising and the increasing frequency of extreme weather patterns in the region. No matter how much is invested into the levee system, nature will win out eventually. Policy such as relocation and nature based flood protection are being seriously considered due to these circumstances that they face. Lastly, predominantly black parishes outside of New Orleans have face even more dire consequences of climate change the most due to their lack of resources and funding.

Lessons/Takeaways

One takeaway is that instead of pouring money into already prosperous and high income areas, it would be ideal fund more poorer areas. Funding high income areas creates bigger wealth gaps between the high and low income communities. It creates a sense of inferiority where there is a distinguished social ladder that is difficult to climb. Areas that are less fortunate, would be able to reallocate their local funding for levees and invest them into improving education quality, healthcare, and basic government services that they have been lacking. This would help create a more stable economy throughout the state by indirectly closing the wealth gap from investments in human capital.

Another takeaway is the inevitability that climate change will render conventional levee systems obsolete. Therefore, governments will have to enact newer policy solutions to address this.

The lack of transparency regarding levee systems throughout Louisiana is troubling as it makes it harder for residents to understand the risk associated with the levees. Is also makes it more difficult to be informed about the conditions of their local levees and who to contact to address this issue. Although New Orleans had plenty of information about their levees, the same cannot be said about other parishes in the state.

Discussion Questions

1.) Should Louisiana be held accountable to paying back their loan to the federal government for the creation of additional levee structures post hurricane katrina? If so, how should Louisiana go about it?

2.) What policy changes, if any, should Louisiana make regarding how climate change challenges traditional flood control measures?

3.) What are your thoughts on predominantly black communities outside of New Orleans not having the adequate resources to create sufficient levee systems that protect them against flooding?

Reference

1.) FEMA. “WHAT IS A LEVEE?,” n.d. https://www.fema.gov/sites/default/files/2020-08/fema_what-is-a-levee_fact-sheet_0512.pdf.

2.) The Journal of American History. “New Orlean’s Levee System: Timeline,” December 2007, 693–876. http://archive.oah.org/special-issues/katrina/resources/levee.html

3.) Jim Bradshaw. “Great Flood of 1927,” n.d. https://64parishes.org/entry/great-flood-of-1927.

4.) Kelby Ouchley. “Hurricane Betsy,” n.d. https://64parishes.org/entry/hurricane-betsy.

5.) Do Something .org. “11 FACTS ABOUT HURRICANE KATRINA,” n.d. https://www.dosomething.org/us/facts/11-facts-about-hurricane-katrina.

6.) Flood Protection Authority West. “History,” n.d. https://slfpaw.org/home/about-us/history/.

7.) FEMA. “NFIP and Levees: An Overview,” May 2021. https://www.fema.gov/sites/default/files/documents/fema_nfip-levees.pdf.

8.) U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. “U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Levee Portfolio Report,” March 2018. https://usace.contentdm.oclc.org/utils/getfile/collection/p266001coll1/id/6922.

9.)  U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. “U.S. Army Corps of Engineers: Who We Are.” Accessed October 19, 2021. https://www.mvn.usace.army.mil/About/.

10.) U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. “Corps Releases HSDRRS Comprehensive Environmental Document Phase II for Public Comment.” Accessed October 19, 2021. https://www.mvn.usace.army.mil/Media/News-Releases/Article/2618296/corps-releases-hsdrrs-comprehensive-environmental-document-phase-ii-for-public/.

11.) Bradberry, Johnny. “State of Louisiana,” June 1, 2017. http://coastal.la.gov/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/HSDRRS-Letter6-1-17.pdf.

12.) U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. “Greater New Orleans Hurricane and Storm Damage Risk Reduction System Facts and Figures,” September 2014. https://www.mvn.usace.army.mil/Portals/56/docs/HSDRRS/Facts-figuresSeptember2014.pdf.

13.) Flood Protection Authority. “Flood Protection Authority: Who Are We.” Accessed October 19, 2021. https://www.floodauthority.org/about-us/who-we-are/.

14.) U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. “National Levee Database.” Database. Accessed October 19, 2021. https://levees.sec.usace.army.mil/#/levees/system/4405000556/summary.

15.) “Coastal Wetlands Planning, Protection, and Restoration Act,” April 25, 2018. https://cwppra.wordpress.com/2018/04/25/levee-systems-in-louisiana/.

16.) US Army Corps of Engineers. “National Levee Database/New Orleans West Bank,” December 30, 2020. https://levees.sec.usace.army.mil/#/levees/system/4405000557/summary.

17.) Press, Associated. “Analysis: Louisiana Weighs Hefty Borrowing to Pay Levee Debt.” Biz New Orleans, March 7, 2021. https://www.bizneworleans.com/analysis-louisiana-weighs-hefty-borrowing-to-pay-levee-debt/.

18.) Deslatte, Melinda. “Louisiana Could Make First Levee Debt Payment without Loan.” AP News, May 21, 2021. https://apnews.com/article/la-state-wire-louisiana-business-government-and-politics-39ac651bb92d606c4077073bc8fff785.

19.) Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority. “Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority-West: Five-Year Strategic Plan,” February 2016. http://slfpaw.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Strategic-Plan-Final.pdf.

20.) Bittle, Jackie. “The Levees Worked in New Orleans — This Time,” September 2, 2021. https://www.curbed.com/2021/09/levees-louisiana-hurricane-ida-managed-retreat.html.

21.) Loller, Travis. “Corps of Engineers Considers Nature-Based Flood Control,” October 5, 2021. https://news.yahoo.com/corps-engineers-considers-nature-based-150513605.html?fr=sycsrp_catchall.

22.) Dermansky, Julie. “10 Days After Hurricane Ida, Historic Black Louisiana Town Contends With Scattered Coffins As Floodwaters Drain from the Streets,” September 14, 2021. https://www.desmog.com/2021/09/14/hurricane-ida-ironton-louisiana-scattered-coffins-floodwaters-environmental-justice/.

23.) Williams, David. “Caskets Are Still Scattered around a Louisiana Community as Residents Struggle to Recover from Hurricane Ida,” September 25, 2021. https://www.cnn.com/2021/09/25/us/ida-ironton-caskets-trnd/index.html.

Additional Readings

1.) Barry, John. Rising Tide: The Great Mississippi Flood of 1927

and How It Changed America. Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 1997. P. 13-54

2.) Mississippi River Delta Science and Engineering Special Team.  “Answering 10 Fundmental Questions About The Mississippi

River Delta.” Accessed October 20, 2021. https://mississippiriverdelta.org//files/2012/04/MississippiRiverDeltaReport.pdf

Transcontinental Railroad

Transcontinental Railroad

Summary

The Transcontinental Railroad, commissioned in 1862 and finished May 1869, brought about by the Pacific Railroad Act of 1862 signed into law by President Abraham Lincoln, was the first railroad to connect the United States from east to west across the mountains. It was contracted by the Union Pacific Railroad Company in the east from Missouri to the Iowa-Nebraska border, and the Central Pacific Railroad company in the west from Sacramento, California, and across the Sierra Nevada. Each company received an initial 6,400 acres of land and $48,000 for every mile of track built. After three initially troublesome years of development, corruption within the companies, and other hardships the laborers faced, the railroad took approximately seven years to complete. The completion of the railroad would not have been possible without the tens of thousands of Chinese laborers who joined in the Sierra Nevada. To complete the railroad, the two companies’ designated tracks met in Promontory Summit in Utah on May 10, 1869, finalizing the railroad by hammering a golden spike to the final tie.

The original 3,000-mile journey across the mountains took months and around $1,000; with the transcontinental railroad, this journey was reduced to under a week and dropped the cost by 85%, down to $150, to traverse the Rocky Mountains. This decrease in the cost of travel led to an increase in the desirability of travel to the west. This led to the railroad bringing in a rather significant profit.

Annotated List of Actors

A mountainside in Winter Park, Colorado. January 2022

- Asa Whitney, a merchant from New York and primary supporter of the railroad [13]

- Asa Whitney, a merchant from New York and primary supporter of the railroad [13]

- Theodore Judah, young engineer who chose the Donner Pass as the primary route for the railroad [9]

- Thomas Hart Benton, Democratic U.S. Senator from Missouri (1821-1851) [13]

- Hartwell Carver, a businessperson who proposed a railroad prototype plan in 1849 [13]

- Edwin F. Johnson, a civil engineer who drew an 1853 map of the railroad [4]

- John C. Calhoun, U.S. representative, U.S. Senator, and Vice President of the United States, from South Carolina [13] [10]

- Stephen A. Douglas, a Democratic U.S. Senator from Illinois (1847-1861) [13] [11]

- Robert S. Williamson, a lieutenant who oversaw the connection of the railroad through California, Oregon, and the Washington state [13]

- John W. Gunnison, a captain who originally was set to explore the 47th and 49th parallels but was killed in a battle with Native American tribes during his expedition. [13]

- Edward G. Beckwith, a lieutenant who "continued the survey along the 41st parallel" [13]

- Amiel W. Whipple, an "assistant astronomer of the Mexican Boundary Survey" [13]

- Joseph Christmas Ives, a lieutenant who surveyed the 35th parallel [13]

- John J. Abert, a colonel who helped survey the 35th parallel [13]

- John G. Parke, a lieutenant who surveyed the 32nd parallel [13]

- John Pope, a captain who "mapped the eastern portion of the route from Dona Ana, New Mexico, to the Red River" [13]

- Collins P. Huntington, a Central Pacific executive [8]

- Mark Hopkins, a Central Pacific executive [8]

- Leland Stanford, a Central Pacific executive [8]

- Charles Crocker, a Central Pacific executive [8]

- Grenville M. Dodge, a general who was the chief engineer for the field of operations [8]

Timeline

Beginning stages

The Transcontinental Railroad began at the urging of the then-President Abraham Lincoln, which may have suggested such a project because, "... it cost nearly $1,000 to travel across the country." [9]

President Lincoln endorsed the idea of a Transcontinental Railroad on his 1860 campaign proposal, in his attempt to move westward. [26]

Once signed into law by Lincoln around 1862 (Pacific Railroad Act), two companies began to form to construct the project, according to the...

Pacific Railroad Act.

The Central Pacific Railroad Company (CPRC) made tracks from Sacramento, California, heading east to the Sierra Nevada River. The Union Pacific Railroad Company(UPC) was to assemble tracks around the border between Iowa and Nebraska heading west toward the Sierra Nevada River. These two tracks were to meet at an undetermined place (since the Act itself did not specify where they would meet). Both CPRC and UPC would get 6,400 acres of land (soon doubled to 12,800) and $48,000, "...in government bonds for every mile of track built." Both CPRC and UPC, after working 3 years on the railroad, had not accomplished much; however, it did give way for both companies to become corrupt and exhibit behavior resembling the "Wild West." After these issues occurred, and Charles Crocker (which oversaw the construction of the CPRC potion) had continued issues retaining labor; he began employing Chinese Workers to begin laying tracks. The Chinese Railroad Workers proved to be indispensable workers, and after sometime they consisted of four out of every five railroad workers (on the CPRC potion). According to CBS Sunday Morning, the Chinese workers, "were able to lay down, 'ten miles of rail in one day."

The Meeting Point

After seven long years of work on the railroad track the two companies were able to decide on a place to meet in the middle. The place they decided on was called Promontory Summit, Utah and this was where the final spike was driven into the ground on May 10th, 1869 at 12:47pm.

Different Trains Used

Finally, the train they used back in the beginning of the transcontinental railroad were wildly different than they use today. While they used mainly steam engines, instead we now use diesel engine nowadays.

Map of Locations

File:Map of Locations 2.jpg

First Map: [9]; second Map [24]; Third Map: [23]

Risk Allocation

The transcontinental railroad was provisioned by the US government under the Railroad Act of 1862, which provided approximately $60 million to the construction of the transcontinental railroad - equivalent to approximately $1.2 billion today. This money was shown to two companies - the Union Pacific Railroad Company and the Central Pacific Railroad Company - in charge of the production of the railroad in the forms of land subsidies, and government bonds and loans (Kiger, 2019). These companies were quickly corrupt at the beginning of the railroad construction, and became non-compliant, refusing to work on the railroad or pay back loans later on (Trains 2019).

This corruption was accompanied by a shortfall in revenues, which in turn led to insufficient land and monetary provision, running a risk of company bankruptcy. Aided by insufficiency in labor, this led to very little being accomplished by the 3-year mark, throwing the railroad production off schedule.

Because of harsh winters and intense summer heat, most of the Union Pacific laborers were miserable. The workers lost to these poor conditions, coupled with the laborers lost to avalanches, and explosion mishaps, whole crews of workers were lost (History.com Editors, 2009).

The government ran a large technical risk by not deciding a meeting location of eastern and western portions of the railroad until 7 years after the project began. This could have led to hundreds of miles of railroad needing to be built to make up for a diversion in the track a large distance from the meeting point.

In acquiring the land, Native American tribes were forced to relocate. Because they refused to comply due to not wanting to destroy their culture, violence ensued. This violence became so intense the military was forced to get involved in order to subdue the Native Americans (Whitehouse, 2014).

Delivery Process

The Transcontinental Railroad was a government contract. Before the delivery for construction began, a process of perceiving the potential layout for the track had to occur. “It was not until 1853, though, that Congress appropriated funds to survey several routes for the transcontinental railroad." [6] After this process, legislation was passed by Congress in order to build this infrastructure. “The Railroad Act of 1862 put government support behind the transcontinental railroad and helped create the Union Pacific Railroad, which subsequently joined with the Central Pacific...” [13] Once this occurred, the rail companies involved started giving out construction contracts. “In December 1862, the Central Pacific Railroad awarded its first construction contract to Charles Crocker & Company. The construction company subcontracted the first 18 miles to firms with hands-on experience...” [15] This entire development, from the legislation enactment, until the conclusion of the project, took a total of seven years. “... The Union Pacific and Central Pacific workers were able to finish the railroad-laying nearly 2,000 miles of track- by 1869, ahead of schedule and under budget.” [6]

Production

Regarding the producing labor force of the Central Pacific Railroad, “[Foreman James Harvey] Strobridge... Agreed to hire 50 Chinese men as wagon-fillers. Their work ethic impressed him, and he hired more Chinese workers for more difficult tasks.” [22] Overtime, Chinese workers began to make up most of the human resources of the Central Pacific Railroad construction. “Chinese workers on CP payrolls began increasing by the shipload. Several thousand Chinese men had signed on by the end of that year; the number rose to a high of 12,000 in 1868, comprising at least 80% of the Central Pacific workforce.” [22] In the Union Pacific Railroad, Chinese workers were not the dominant personnel of this side of the project. Regarding this producing force of the UP, “The end of the Civil War brought... Thousands of demobilized soldiers [who] were eager for work. Additionally, by 1866 the railroad had managed to import Irishmen from the teeming cities of the eastern seaboard.” [22]

Efficiency

The economic inputs were translated into efficient economic outputs. Though at the start of this project, this input was a huge risk. “By one estimate, the project cost roughly $60 million, about $1.2 billion in today’s money...” [7] While the inputted cost was high, the output annually produced efficient prosperous outputs that more than made up for the initial cost. “By 1880, the transcontinental railroad was transporting $50 million worth of freight each year.” [7] This project became so well profitable that “... The railroad also facilitated international trade... [as] The first freight train to travel eastward from California carried a load of Japanese tea.” [7] Through this rise and expansion in trade, “... [It] gave the United States the single largest market in the world, which provided the basis for the rapid expansion of American industry and agriculture to the point where the U.S. by the 1890s had the most powerful economy on the planet.” [7]

Fiscal equivalence

Before the railroad was built, westward travel was primarily done through stagecoaches. “In the 1860s, a sixth-month stagecoach trip across the U.S. cost $1,000 (about $20,000 in today’s dollars).” [7] This significantly changed in the coming years. “... Once the railroad was built, the cost of a coast-to-coast trip became 85 percent less expensive.” [7] As a result, the travelers who used this system paid at a level proportionate with the degree of travel. The equity principle regarding travel costs was heavily prevalent in this aspect of the delivery process.

Redistribution

The railroad system redistributed resources from the rich to the poor mainly in the geographic context. “... The first transcontinental railroad and the other lines that followed made it easy for immigrants to spread across the nation.” [7] The enormous amount of funds allocated to this project allowed for more convenience of travel to those not of significant wealth. Travel was not the only method in which redistribution from rich to poor occurred. “[It also] made it possible to sell products far and wide without a physical storefront, and enabled people all over the country to furnish their homes and keep up with the latest fashion trends.” [7] The accessibility of broader commerce for impoverished people increased. However, redistribution also occurred in the opposite direction as well. The construction of the railroad led to resources being taken from Native Americans for the benefit of those who were funding the project. “... The forced relocation of Native Americans from their lands resulted in widespread destruction of Native American cultures and ways of life.” [21] This redistribution from impoverished Native tribes to wealthy industrialists became so severe that it led to violence. “Many conflicts arose as the railroad project continued westward, and the military was brought in to fight Native American tribes.” [21]

Accountability

The effects of this system reflected the overall desires of the stakeholders. It reflected the consumers by expanding a unifying culture. “The rails carried more than goods; they provided a conduit for ideas, a pathway for discourse... America gave birth to transcontinental culture.” [12] This transition into a new form of society allowed for people to grow closer as a coherent nation “Here was manifest destiny wrought in iron; here were two coasts united; here was an interior open to settlement. Distances shrank, but identification to land and fellow American grew in inverse proportion.” [12] The effects also reflected the desires of the corporate investors as “It pioneered government-financed capitalism.” [7] This realization of new economic forms of maneuvering was manifested mainly through the individuals of The Central Pacific Railroad. “The Central Pacific’s ‘Big Four’-Stanford, Collis P. Huntington, Mark Hopkins, and Charles Crocker-figured out how to tap into government coffers to finance a business that otherwise wouldn’t have been possible.” [7] This company then took this realization approach into action. The transcontinental railroad “... Was built on land grants, government loans, and government-guaranteed bonds. When their loans came due, they refused to pay and the government had to sue. In effect, they stumbled into a business model where the public takes the risk and those taking the subsidies reap the gain.” [7] This wasn’t the end of this form of business tactic though as “Other entrepreneurs would follow the Big Four’s lead in tapping government help to build their business.” [7]

Adaptability

The construction of the railroad had to adapt to the ever-changing environment of the western United States. “Harsh winters, staggering summer heat, and the lawless, rough-and-tumble conditions of newly settled western towns made conditions for Union Pacific laborers... Miserable.” [6] The Central Pacific railroad had to adapt to the cold climate and treacherous mountains. “The immigrant... Chinese work force of the Central Pacific... Had... Brutal 12-hour workdays laying tracks over the Sierra Nevada Mountains... Whole crews would be lost to avalanches, or mishaps with explosives would leave several dead.” [6] Construction of tunnels through the mountains of the Sierra Nevada was done through explosive mechanisms. “Toil commenced on ...Tunnel No. 6... With men blasting inward from what would become the east and west portals of the passage.” [16] However, this process led to slow progress and even more insubstantial results. “Tunneling would take place on four faces at a time, as two teams worked inward from the eastern and western ends of the tunnel and two more teams worked back-to-back from the middle, moving outward.” [16] Nevertheless, a new compound was introduced into the construction project, that allowed for quicker results. “... Nitroglycerine... Allowed for shallower holes of narrow width, but its blasts achieved a much greater destructive yield... [It] was also much easier to move than the debris of black powder, saving a lot of cumulative time and sweat.” [16] This compound also made the work easier for the laborers as well. “Workers were able to advance up to two feet per day on all four faces, instead of measuring each hard one inch.” [16]

Cost

The construction of the railroad was overseen by Union Pacific and Central Pacific. [8] Central Pacific was led by Collins P. Huntington, Mark Hopkins, Leland Stanford, and Charles Crocker. [8] While these leaders had disagreements over how to implement the railroad, they successfully managed to build their portions of the railroad. Meanwhile, Union Pacific only had one major actor, General Grenville M. Dodge, who oversaw the field of operations. [8] The building of the transcontinental railroad had a significantly high cost for the 19th century. Building the track in the plains cost $16,000 per mile in government bonds, $32,000 per mile for building it in the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada mountains, and $48,000 per mile for other mountain regions. [8] The building of the railroad across the Central Pacific region cost between $36 million and $51.5 million, whereas building it through the Union Pacific cost approximately $60 million. [8] When completed in 1869, the project through Union Pacific cost a total of $111 million with $74 million in bonds, which is equivalent to approximately $2,238,853,676.47 in inflation-adjusted dollars for the present day. [8] [25]

Financial Structure

A portion of the transcontinental railroad was financed by the United States Government. “Construction of the first transcontinental railroad, financed with large federal subsidies, is an important event in American history.” [3] The biggest aspect that allowed for these loans was the passage of a piece of legislation in 1862. “... The Pacific Railroad Act of 1862 provided a construction loan and land grants to two private companies, the Central Pacific and the Union Pacific.” [3] Thus, this component was financially produced through both public and private means. “Usually, a joint venture between a state or local government and private interests, railroads were expected to generate fair returns for public and private investors, but their ultimate goal was to create a transportation infrastructure that enhanced general prosperity.” [14] Even though their initial goal was to unite the country through fast transportation, they were still faced with financial issues through ineffective behavior. “The Union Pacific of the late 19th century was challenged by inept management, serial scandals, two financial panics, two bankruptcies, political pot shots, and the kinds of external events that damage… Strong corporations.” [14] However, these hurdles allowed for a rational solution that led to more coherent and ethical financial actions that permitted consistent results. “... The cleverest scheme UP’s management executed was Credit Mobilier of America, the independent construction company hired to build the Union Pacific… The original idea was to keep everyone honest by separating the management and operation of the railroad from its construction.” [14]

Institutional Structure

Some of the institutions involved were the federal government through legislation and private railroad companies through materials, construction, and labor. “These laws granted rights of way and use of building materials along the way... To companies that would build the transcontinental railroad and its feeder lines.” [15] The two biggest corporate institutions involved were the Union Pacific and Central Pacific Railroads, each covering two different geographical areas to construct in. “... The Union Pacific Railroad, [was] to be built from the Platte River Valley in Nebraska to the border between Nevada and California, with two feeder lines from Omaha to Sioux City…” [15] While “... The Central Pacific Railroad, [was] to be built as a feeder line from Sacramento over the Sierra Nevada to meet the Union Pacific eastwards and to San Francisco in the West...” [15] However, these weren’t the only two institutions involved as “... The Leavenworth, Pawnee & Western, later to be known as the Union Pacific Eastern Division... [Existed] to link the 100th meridian Southeast with Kansas City.” [15] In order to prepare a labor force to construct an aspect of this system, “... Charles Crocker (who oversaw construction for the central Pacific) began hiring Chinese laborers… The Chinese laborers proved to be tireless workers, and Crocker hired more… some 14,000 were toiling under brutal working conditions…” [9] When the structure started to reach tougher terrains, such as mountains, different operating measures had to be taken in order to construct the railroad efficiently. “To blast through the mountains, the Central Pacific built huge wooden trestles on the western slopes and used gunpowder and nitroglycerine to blast tunnels through the granite.” [9]

Policy Issues

Not only was the Transcontinental Railroad something that concerned hard infrastructure, there were some other policy issues which also went into the creation of the Transcontinental Railroad. Among the most important policy issues for the Transcontinental Railroad was a desire for the westward expansion of the United States.

The project began and was indeed completed, once the last shots of the Civil War were fired. This meant that not only were Presidents Lincoln, Andrew Johnson, and Ulysses S. Grant, concerned with unifying a badly divided country but they also had to deal with the concerns of connecting the young country from coast or coast at long last. At the time, those who lived in densely populated areas around the United States had a strong desire to spread out, in terms of homeownership, they wanted to create space between themselves and their neighbors. This want of more space and push to go out west eventually brought about unintended conflicts between the Westward settlers, the Transcontinental Railroad workers, and the Native Americans.

The second most important policy issue for the railroad was how economics and the efficiency of the transport of goods and services to and from east to west (and back) went into the creation of the railroad. The creation of the Transcontinental Railroad was thanks to not only President Abraham Lincoln but Asa Whitney and Theodore Judah. Whitney was a New York merchant who did business with the Chinese and believed in an efficient way to transport goods arriving in California from Asia which then needed to be transported to the primary homestead of the American population, the east coast. The New York businessman reasoned that, "...linking the coast would unlock the commercial potential of China while eliminating infernal ocean commutes" and also "...a railway would become the corridor of exchange between Europe and Asia, placing America at the center of the world's attention." [27] However, Whitney forgot an essential part of the plan to make his dream of a railroad connecting the west coast to the rest of America, something a young Theodore Judah would use to steal the show: a route. In the year 1860, a young engineer, by the name of Theodore Judah, came up with a plan to cross the Rocky Mountains, and he gathered investors from all over, the then, America, to make the Central Pacific Railroad Company. The investors, a feasible plan, at least given the circumstance, and a company built for the sole purpose of developing this railroad, Judah managed to convince congressmen and President Abraham Lincoln of his plan. The following year the Railroad Act of 1862 was passed, giving way to the Transcontinental Railroad. The policy issue here was, Whitney didn't have a plan, let alone backing for it, and the route plan was all that stood between him and his railroad.

Narrative

The idea for the transcontinental railroad began in the early 19th century when the earliest map was thought to be drafted in 1830 (LOC). It is unknown who originally came up with the idea for this project, but a merchant named Asa Whitney played a significant role in gaining legislative approval for it. Whitney published an idea he called a Project for a Railroad to the Pacific in 1849, which served as his first draft of the railroad. His original plan involved the train tracks being built from Wisconsin to the West coast across the Rocky Mountains.

At first, the United States Congress did not accept this original draft, as the final railroad was not completed until twenty years later, in 1869. Creating this railroad seemed quite difficult, but as the 19th century came to its midway point, there were additional events that made building the tracks much easier. The U.S. government expanded its territory to the West Coast, and the Gold Rush of 1849 brought more tourists to the West. Additionally, the U.S. gained California as an official territory after the Mexican War. All these new developments combined helped create more demand for a railroad that expanded.

The construction ran into many obstacles on the way, of course. In the western territories, there were several Native American tribes that conflicted with the government’s economic interests. As an act of rebellion, there were tribes who disassembled parts of the railroad while it was being built by the American government. Captain John W. Gunnison was killed by Native Americans when surveying the planned sites for the railroad, but the scouting of the routes was continued and finished by other lieutenants and captains of the Union. Despite native efforts to curtail the production of train tracks, the railroad was built through native land, greatly displacing the natives from their land, along with the reduction of their natural resources such as buffalo and other livestock (DPLA).

Additionally, the future President of the Confederacy, Jefferson Davis, supported building the railroad along the 35th parallel to the west of California (LOC).

Lessons Learned/Takeaways

After the railroad was completed, the price to travel across the country dropped to one-hundred, fifty dollars. [9]

The effort also cut the three thousand mile journey across the country, from a journey once slightly over a month, to once the project was completed, under a week.

Connecting the country's coasts made the movement of Western goods to Eastern ports (or vice versa) almost seamless.

Abraham Lincoln realized his campaign goal of building the transcontinental railroad (although he was unfortunately unable to see the railroad complete, this also unified the country and moved the country westward to cover the entire country, which was Lincoln’s ultimate goal.

This project, finally, made the expansion of the country further westward almost a known quantity, allowing there to be heightened tensions between westward settlers and indigenous tribes.

Discussion Questions

How would westward expansion have looked if the proposition for the railroad hadn’t made it through congress?

How was trade impacted by the construction of the railroad and what goods would be lost without it?

How were the politics between the US and Asian Countries impacted by this railroad?

References

1.) Bowen, Mark. “Rails of Progress.” Policy Review, December 1, 1999, 83. https://web-a-ebscohost-com.mutex.gmu.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=3&sid=a50037b3-a32a-4bb6-a81d-b215edc34f49%40sdc-v-sessmgr02.

2.) CBS Sunday Morning. “Building the Transcontinental Railroad.” June 16, 2019. YouTube. Video, Running Time: 6:38 (only used: 2:44). https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=moDvjW9Z6_I

3.) Duran, Xavier. "The First U.S. Transcontinental Railroad: Expected Profits and Government Intervention." The Journal of Economic History 73, no. 1 (2013): 177-200. Accessed September 8, 2021. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41811504.

4.) Finlay, Nancy. “Planning the Transcontinental Railroad.” Connecticut Historical Society, October 8, 2013. https://chs.org/2013/10/planning-the-transcontinental-railroad/.

5.) History.com Editors. “Chinese Exclusion Act.” Historical Facts. History, August 24, 2018. https://www.history.com/topics/immigration/chinese-exclusion-act-1882.

6.) History.com Editors. “Transcontinental railroad completed, unifying United States.” History, November 24, 2009. https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/transcontinental-railroad-completed.

7.) Kiger, Patrick J. 2019. “10 Ways the Transcontinental Railroad Changed America.” HISTORY. Accessed October 12, 2021. https://www.history.com/news/transcontinental-railroad-changed-america.

8.) Klein, Maury. “Financing the Transcontinental Railroad.” The Gilder Institute of American History, 2019. https://ap.gilderlehrman.org/essays/financing-transcontinental-railroad.

9.) “Transcontinental Railroad.” Historical Facts. History, April 20, 2010. https://www.history.com/topics/inventions/transcontinental-railroad.

10.) United States Senate. “John C. Calhoun,” 2021. https://www.senate.gov/senators/FeaturedBios/Featured_Bio_Calhoun.htm.

11.) “Stephen A. Douglas: A Featured Biography.” United States Senate, 2021. https://www.senate.gov/senators/FeaturedBios/Featured_Bio_Douglas_Stephen.htm.

12.) “The Impact of the Transcontinental Railroad | American Experience | PBS.” n.d. Accessed October 12, 2021. https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/tcrr-impact-transcontinental-railroad/.

13.) “The Transcontinental Railroad.” Library of Congress. Accessed September 8, 2021. https://www.loc.gov/collections/railroad-maps-1828-to-1900/articles-and-essays/history-of-railroads-and-maps/the-transcontinental-railroad/.

14.) Trains Magazine. 2019. “Transcontinental Railroad history: Importance, workers, challenges, and funding.” February 28, 2019. https://www.trains.com/trn/railroads/history/transcontinental-railroad-history-importance-workers-challenges-and-funding/.

15.) “Transcontinental Railroad” Bob Moore Construction, n.d. http://www.constructioncompany.com/historic-construction-projects/transcontinental-railroad/.

16.) “Tunneling in the Sierra Nevada | American Experience | PBS.” n.d. Accessed October 12, 2021. https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/tcrr-tunneling-sierra-nevada/.

17.) “Railroaded: The Transcontinentals and the Making of Modern America | Economic History Services.” Accessed June 15, 2012. http://eh.net/book_reviews/railroaded-transcontinentals-and-making-modern-america.

18.) Wendy Simmons Johnson. “Women and the Transcontinental Railroad Through Utah, 1868–1869.” Utah Historical Quarterly 88, no. 4 (2020): 306–320.

20.) White, Richard. Railroaded: The Transcontinentals and the Making of Modern America. W. W. Norton & Company, 2011.

21.) Whitehouse, Jessica. 2014. “Overnight How the Transcontinental Railroad Changed America.” Accessed October 12, 2021. https://gtgtechnologygroup.com/transcontinental-railroad/.

22.) “Workers of the Central and Union Pacific Railroad | American Experience | PBS.” n.d. Accessed October 12, 2021. https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/tcrr-workers-central-union-pacific-railroad/.

23.) Epperson, Christina. "Impacts to Native Tribes." SPIKE 150, National Park Service, Utah Division of State History. May, 10th 2019. Image, https://utah.maps.arcgis.com/apps/Cascade/index.html?appid=e679f80b19ed4482b10910f2a918946e&folderid=578cf9fd8d4a4ce083a62bb331829c67&print.

24.) Epperson, Christina. "'Maps on the Hill' Poster." SPIKE 150, National Park Service, Utah Division of State History. March, 7th 2019. Image, https://history.utah.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/MAPS_TranscontinentalRailroad_MOTH_Reduced.pdf.

25.) Webster, Ian. “$111,000,000 in 1869 Is Worth $2,238,853,676.47 Today.” Official Data, 2021. https://www.officialdata.org/us/inflation/1869?amount=111000000.

26.) Burlingame, Michael. “Abraham Lincoln: Campaign Election.” President History. Abraham Lincoln. Accessed October 26, 2021. https://millercenter.org/president/lincoln/campaigns-and-elections.

27.) "Asa Whitney (1791-1874) and Early Plans for a Transcontinental Railroad | American Experience | PBS" n.d. Accessed October 27, 2021. https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/tcrr-asa-whitney-1791-1874-and-early-plans-transcontinental-railroad/

Further Reading

Ambrose, Stephen E. Nothing Like It in the World : the Men Who Built the Transcontinental Railroad, 1863-1869 New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000.

Borneman, Walter R. Rival Rails: the Race to Build America's Greatest Transcontinental Railroad. 1st ed. New York. Random House, 2010.

Chang, Gordon H., Shelley Fisher Fishkin, Hilton Obenzinger, and Roland Hsu. The Chinese and the Iron Road : Building the Transcontinental Railroad Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2019.

Webb, Robert N. The Illustrated True Book of American Railroads. New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1957. Especially the Section Titled: "The Race Across the Continent," Chapter VI, pages 72 - 91.

Maginot Line

Summary of the Maginot Line

Portions of the fortifications of the Maginot Line.

The Maginot Line was a series of static defenses constructed by France along the Eastern French border, with its strongest fortifications along the German and Italian borders. In World War I, France suffered 1.4 Million casualties and the collapse of their infrastructure, crippling their production and leaving France with a massive deficit. Following the war, French officials believed that the Germans would inevitably remilitarize their border and attempt domination again. Their most suitable plan for preventing another war was to maintain troops in the German province of Rhineland. This was not possible due to the agreements reached in the Treaty of Versailles. The desperation of loss and collapse looming over them, the weary country attempted to reinvent their military strategies. The teams tasked with finding a solution created various offensive and defensive strategies, including the construction of the Maginot Line.

Conceptually, the Maginot Line was intended to serve a few main purposes:

• Prevent a German surprise attack and redirect German forces to force them to travel through Switzerland and Belgium to keep the war off of French soil.
• To save manpower and cover the time required to mobilize the French military -- which could potentially take as long as 2-3 weeks.

The project was first backed by Marshal Joseph Joffree, who wished to create a series of stationary fortifications along the border, and Marshal Philippe Pétain, who wished to militarize the entire French border. Although they were opposed by many modernists within the French government that preferred investments in armor or aircraft, the French Minister of War -- and World War I veteran, -- André Maginot, was a key supporter and eventually pushed the French Government into authorizing construction. The wall was designed primarily by Paul Painlevé and was constructed between 1929 and 1938.

When planning for war with Germany and designing the Maginot Line, the French were preparing for la Guerre de Longue Durée, or the war of long duration. It was suspected that German resources would not last in the long run. If they could defend their most vulnerable border, they would not have to expend massive casualties preparing in offensive battles. While the Maginot Line may have been an effective counter to attrition warfare, it was not well equipped for the advanced technology and tactics of the Second World War, primarily German tanks and their blitzkrieg doctrine. Additionally, their reliance on Belgium cooperation left them exposed for an attack along their shared border in the North.

Timeline of Events

1918: End of First World War (November 11th).

1925: The Maginot Line receives approval as a defensive project with supposed inclusion of adaptability for various military operations.

1929: Construction of the Maginot Line begins. France institutes the 1 year draft, a re-imagining of military service.

1935: Belgium declares neutrality, attempting to avoid bloodshed on their soil.

1939: Start of Second World War with invasion of Poland (September 1st).

1940: Battle of France (May 10th - June 25th), Maginot Line is defeated by German tanks and French forces are overrun. France surrenders to Germany and is occupied.

1944: The Allies mount an assault on France, storming the beaches on the coast of normandy.

1945: The Second World War in Europe ends in May of 1945, with the complete surrender of the Axis in September of that year.

List of Actors

André Maginot (1877-1932)

André Maginot (1877-1932): Maginot started his career in government in 1910 as a member of the Chamber of Deputies, a part of parliament during the third republic, before becoming an undersecretary of war in 1913. With the onset of the First World War, he joined as a common footsoldier and received a crippling injury, relegating him back to politics. Later he would serve as minister of war and it was during this time that his advocacy of what would become the Maginot Line began to produce results in around 1929. He would direct efforts in its construction for several years until his death in 1932.

Joseph Joffre (1852-1931): Proponent of first defensive strategy, clustered fortifications of many soldiers. Joffre was a French general and the head of the French Army from 1911 to 1916, after which he fell out of favor due to heavy French casualties and was relegated to non-vital military functions, a post he later resigned from. It would be his final post, and would not hold any military or political title afterwards.

Paul Reynaud (1878-1966): Modernist who opposed the construction of the line. Reynaud was a French politician who served in many posts during his long career in the French government both pre-war and postwar. He assumed the post of prime minister for a short time during the Battle of France, and was later arrested by the Germans and remained in prison until being freed by the allies.

Philippe Pétain (1856-1951): Wanted to militarize the entire border. Pétain had a controversial history. During the First World War he was a celebrated general, but after the French defeat during the Battle of France and the establishment of the Vichy government with him as its leader, he was seen as a collaborator with the Germans and was later sentenced to life imprisonment.

Marie Louie Guillaumat (1863-1940): General during World War One that was active in the debates over the Maginot line. He believed in the necessity of static defenses, also advocating for leaving the ample space necessary for military operations. He was also the leader of the occupation of the Rhineland, and the Minister of War for a short time in 1926.

Aftermath of World War I

In the aftermath of WWI, France’s population, infrastructure and national pride were completely decimated by four years of war that saw an unmatched intensity. During the war German forces had systematically destroyed their coal mines, and other industries were often half as productive as they were in the pre-war years. While WWI was described by many politicians and historians of the time as “the war to end all wars”, some in France following the war knew that this may not be the case in the long run. So naturally there were many dialogues among the Entente powers after the war on how to prevent something like WWI from occurring again. What was developed was the Versailles Treaty, which returned the Northeastern provinces of Alsace and Lorraine to France and severely limited Germany’s capability to wage war in the future by essentially dismantling its military power to a small defense force. Additionally, the treaty allowed France to maintain a small force in the German Province of Rhineland. The placement of these troops was controversial among the French and ultimately they were removed in 1929. At the time, this was the effective border control of the country, ensuring that Germany would not be able to mobilize on their shared border. As a result of this planned withdrawal, France’s military and political leadership began to seriously consider strategies of containment and defense. The Maginot Line was the result of these tumultuous back and forth conversations. It was completed well into the 1930’s. Just in time, as it seemed to all of Europe that another war with Germany was inevitable. The rise of the Nazi party in Germany signified a collapse of the tenets of the Treaty of Versailles, and the end of a short lived era of peace.

Just in time, as to all of Europe, it seemed another war was just around the corner. Nazi tyranny had eroded the peace and stability of the treaty of Versailles and brought Europe to the brink of conflict once again.

Construction and Financing

Upon its completion, the Maginot Line was wildly over budget. Initially, the project was funded with a grant of 3 billion Francs (or $3.88 billion in 2019 USD), however, upon its completion it cost nearly 5-7 billion francs, or between $6-9 billion in 2019 USD. As a point of reference, the French budget for a year hovered around 15 billion francs. After nearly a decade of construction, the Maginot Line spanned 280 miles and utilized 55 thousand tons of steel and 1.5 million cubic meters of concrete.

Design Influences

The Maginot Line was designed to withstand the full might of the German Forces, including heavy artillery fire and poison gases. In some ways, the Maginot Line was essentially a permanent line of trench systems that allowed for the continued presence of French forces immediately on the French border. One of the largest sections of the Maginot Line lies near Rochonvillers facing the border with Luxembourg. This was one of the first sections of the Maginot Line that was built, with the area being a high priority to secure. When designing this section of the Line, the French were inspired by Colonel Tricaud’s ideas published in the Revue du Génie in 1917. It was described as a fort palmé, which is a dispersed set of fortifications fanning out from an expansive subterranean trunk. This was eventually the design for the entirety of the Maginot Line.

Pushback from Allies

Some French allies, most notably Belgium, were immediately apprehensive of the proposed Maginot Line, as the presence of the fortifications essentially forced an invading army from the east to potentially divert troops around the fortifications if they wished to move further west into France. In response to this, the initial plans for the Line were scaled back considerably, leaving a gap in the fortifications on France’s shared border with Belgium.

Maginot Line Composition

Construction specifications for the Maginot line included 100km of tunnels, 12 million cubic meters of earthworks, 1.5 million cubic meters of concrete, 150,000 tons of steel, and 450 km of roads and railways. This material was used to construct, among other defenses, more than 50 massive manned underground fortresses, called ouvrages.

These underground structures were built 100 or more feet below hills and had stairways that personnel could access. They had a living quarters on the side facing the homeland, and a combat zone on the other edge. The largest of these Ouvrages had about 5 miles of tunnels. Each one was comparable to a small town, featuring dentist chairs, morgues, and prison cells. They each had a considerable population, housing between 500 to 1000 men in every fortress. Each fort had multiple cannons housed in small domes that could rise and retract. These domes had a diorama of the corresponding countryside which was intended to allow operators to visualize coordinates that were relayed.

In their design of these ouvrages, the French ensured that their troops would have ample tools at their disposal. The outcroppings of the fortresses were equipped with grenades that could be released with the pull of a switch. These were intended to be released if ground troops were able to approach the domes. If the tunnels of the line were breached, parts of the tunnel could be blown up while troops retreated. In addition, each ouvrage had an escape hatch that featured a ladder stretching to the surface. The exit to this hatch was covered in dirt, which would fall into the tunnel if and when the hatch was opened.

Between these fortresses were smaller fortifications. The ouvrages were within artillery range of these fortifications and each other, allowing for a strategy of friendly fire known as delousing. As an additional defense, the countryside was lined with spikes to prevent the progression of enemy tanks. These less grandiose measures ensured that the line would prove difficult to even approach.

Ultimately, for all it’s ingenuity, the Maginot line was an entirely static defense, featuring none of the adaptable measures that Pierre Guillaumat was an advocate of. Without these provisions, the Line was susceptible to new and unexpected military strategies.

Maps

Map of fortifications on the Maginot Line.

World War II

Evolution of the Manstein Plan, or Plan Yellow, to invade France.

While the Maginot Line was designed and constructed primarily to divert a German invasion, in 1940 the German forces crafted an invasion plan to go around the major fortifications. Large sections of the French border were unsecured by the Line, notably the shared border with Belgium. Despite Belgium's neutrality, in their Manstein Plan the German army marched in a sickle shape through Belgium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands to take advantage of the hole in the French defense line. This plan had risks, but recent changes in the balance of power gave the Germans an increased edge. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, signed in 1939 between the Germans and the Soviet Union gave Germany among many things access to Soviet resources like iron and oil. This allowed Germany, who was previously constrained by allied blockades to field a larger force.

As the Germans advanced towards the English Channel, the German troops easily overran French defenses and crossed into France, while the Luftwaffe flew over the Maginot Line. Over the next several weeks, the Germans successfully surrounded the Line and cut it off from the rest of the country, eventually forcing France to fall. When the Allied forces entered France in 1944, the Maginot Line -- still held by the Germans -- was largely bypassed.

By the end of the battle of France, the Ouvrages were still well supplied, and their troops in high spirits. Many of them thought the word of surrender was merely a German lie. They ultimately surrendered when French officials finally arrived to declare that the battle was lost. The Maginot line saw limited use by the Germans, who used various areas as storage. The Americans used the line briefly after they secured French borders.

Assessment of the Maginot Line

While the Maginot Line did not fall during the siege of France, it was incapable of securing the entirety of the French border. There were essentially four segments of the border that required fortifications or a means of protection. These were the Northern Border with the country of Belgium, the Northeastern border with Germany where the Maginot Line was constructed, the Eastern border with Germany which had the natural defenses of the Rhine River, and finally the countries borders with Switzerland and Italy in the Southeast, which were fortified lightly with a defense colloquially referred to as the “little Maginot”.

The limited scope of the project, while defending the country's most vulnerable borders, encouraged the Germans to invade Belgium in the North in order to gain access to Paris and the shoreline. It was for this reason that maintaining good relations with Belgium was considered essential. There was much deliberation over what to do with this segment of the border. Fears of stoking resentment halted progress on permanent fortifications. France was optimistic that an alliance with Belgium would allow for a joint offense if the country was invaded. France hoped to mobilize a vehicular brigade that would rush to rescue. These hopes were dashed as Belgium continued to disentangle themselves from cooperative treaties, declaring neutrality in 1935. Despite this, the French never secured  the border with a proper defensive line and ultimately chose to rush into Belgium when Germany began their assault. The Armenes forest was a natural choice for Germany, as through this path lay the least secure portions of France's defenses.

The Rhine River in the East was considered a natural defense, which was why it was overlooked for the most part. There were multiple Casemates along the French side of the border, which could suppress advancements along the river. Advanced military antiaircraft and anti tank machines were able to pierce these structures and render them useless. Thus German troops were able to advance on this front as well.

When Italy decided to enter the war, they attempted to cross into French territory through the Southeastern defenses; this proved entirely too difficult because of the terrain of the alps.

Ultimately, the Line was a powerful fortification that protected the northeastern border. Despite this the lack of defenses at key locations rendered the entire line useless. It was the tactical decisions made during the planning process that rendered the wall an unfavorable defense. The unwillingness of France to engage offensive warfare entrenched their hopes in a wall that was doomed to fail.

Efficiency

National Defense is a difficult thing to measure in terms of efficiency. How can one place a value on a nation's freedom and continued prosperity? If the Maginot line was successful in its defense of the French border, we would be able to consider it a priceless investment, commanding a resilience able to change the path of the most devastating war in human history. Of course, this is not how it’s history played out.

If we disregard it’s outright failure, the wall still served some purposes. The line had a valuable effect as a deterrent from invasions, even if this effect was not strong enough. Additionally, It can be argued that it offered a sense of security that contributed to the social and economic wellbeing of France and her people. Though the tag of 7 billion francs is a considerably high price to pay for such paltry benefits. The line failed it’s real purpose of securing the border from all future invasions.

The money spent securing the Maginot Line might have been better spent on investments in newer technology and defenses along other areas of the border.

Accountability

During the postwar era of the 1920’s, citizens of France, both the farming peasantry and factory laborers were most concerned with their ability to recover and get back to their normal lives. A main selling point of the Maginot line by its proponents would be that it would be a massive infrastructure project that allowed for many people who did not have jobs to then work on the line itself and the industries that would benefit from the fortifications being erected in the first place. One could see a project of this magnitude slightly similar to the American infrastructure projects that were established in the midst of The Great Depression.

Adaptability

The Maginot Line was equipped to deal with the worst military advancements that WW1 had to offer. It has proper anti-tank measures and cannons that can recede underground. Given that plans for the wall were written up directly after WW1 they had few considerations for future military technology.

If the constructors of the Maginot Line considered the potentiality of air-warfare. They may have divested the money for the project differently. Air-Warfare exposes the weaknesses of both natural barriers mentioned earlier. Both of these defenses would need further fortifications. Perhaps the French would have had to settle for fewer large fortresses in favor of small outposts equipped with anti-aircraft machinery.

In addition to this, the Maginot line was designed without the consideration of the ideas surrounding the early adoption of the concepts known as maneuver warfare and combined arms strategy by the German army in the early phases of WW2. Due to this, even if the Maginot Line was used to its fullest extent in the hypothetical situation, the French forces would still more than likely be completely overrun in a matter of weeks, the only difference being a higher German and French casualty count.

If the Maginot Line was built with consideration of air warfare, possibly with greater air defense capability in order to mitigate the risk by German dive bombers,  the money for the project may have been divested differently. The French would have probably divested less money towards creating single massive fortresses and more on smaller structures along farther west and south.

Discussion Questions

1. What happened between the conclusion of World War I and the onset of World War II to render a defense investment like the Maginot Line nearly useless?
2. Did the Maginot Line, simply by existing, make neighboring countries like Belgium and The Netherlands into even bigger targets?
3. What measures do you think France could have taken to ensure a successful defense of their border?

Additional Readings

Allcorn, William, and Vincent Boulanger. The Maginot Line 1928-45. Osprey, 2003.

Kaufmann, J. E., and H. W. Kaufmann. Fortress France: The Maginot Line and French Defenses in World War II. Stackpole, 2007.

Channel Tunnel

Channel Tunnel Portal in France.

The Channel Tunnel also called "the Chunnel" is a 51-kilometer/31-mile rail tunnel beneath the English Channel. It connects south-east England and northern France. The Chunnel consists of two rail tunnels and a service tunnel in the middle used for maintenance and emergency evacuation. The tunnel carries high-speed passenger trains operated by Eurostar, the Eurotunnel Shuttle for both passenger and cargo road vehicles, and international freight trains.

Trains passing through the tunnel can travel at a top speed of 160 kilometers per hour. Plans to build a cross-Channel fixed link appeared as early as 1802; around twelve early proposals were made from both countries but with no success. Eventually, the current tunnel project was organized and constructed starting in 1988. It was opened for service in June 1994, costing almost 15 billion dollars in today's money. The project was privately financed by a consortium of British and French corporations and banks.

Getlink, formerly known as the Eurotunnel Group, is a public company based in Paris that manages and operates the Channel Tunnel, the Eurotunnel Shuttle train service, and earns revenue on other passenger and freight trains that operate through the tunnel. Since 1994, over 450 million passengers have traveled through the tunnel using Eurostar or Eurotunnel Shuttles and over 430 million tons of goods have been shipped through the tunnel.

Actors

The French Government, led by French president François Mitterrand and The British Government, led by British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher signed the Treaty of Canterbury, where the two governments came together to allow the tunnel to be built.

The Channel Tunnel Group/France Manche (CTG-FM)

The British Channel Tunnel Group consisted of two banks and five construction companies. France–Manche consisted of three banks and five construction companies. This organization originally proposed and planned the tunnel.

Getlink

Getlink, formerly the Eurotunnel Group, is a company based in Paris that manages and operates the Channel Tunnel. Getlink also operates "Le shuttle", the railway shuttle service operated by between France and Britain. It transports passenger and commercial road vehicles under the Channel Tunnel by rail.

TransManche Link

TML was a group of British and French construction companies responsible for building the Channel Tunnel. At its peak it employed almost 14,500 people and spent more than $5.5 million per day.

Eurostar

Eurostar is a high-speed rail service connecting the United Kingdom with France and Belgium. The company operates the only passenger-rail service through the Channel Tunnel, but is separate from Getlink.

Timeline

The Beginning of the Chunnel

            The idea for a Channel Tunnel, also known as the Chunnel, was first conceived in the year 1802 by French miner Albert Mathieu. Mathieu’s plan involved creating an artificial island in the middle of the English Channel where two tunnels from the English and French sides would meet. The means of transport would be horse drawn carriages, these would then switch out when meeting at the middle island. This plan would not gain any real traction and would later fail. However, this would start centuries of attempts at a similar tunnel that would try to connect the British isles to mainland Europe.

            In the 1830s, decades after Mathieu’s first proposal, French engineer Aimé Thomé de Gamond would conduct the first geological and hydrographical surveys of the channel tunnel. His work on these surveys would continue until 1856 when he finally presented his findings to Napoleon the 3rd. De Gamond would present his own version of a channel tunnel, the first since Albert Mathieu over 50 years before. This proposal would have been a railway instead of the previous horse drawn method. De Gamond’s plan would ultimately fail as well. On the English side politicians and statesmen like George Ward Hunt, William Low and Sir John Hawkshaw would make similar pushes for a channel tunnel. However, these English statesmen would be even less successful than their French counterparts.

First Chunnel Attempt

        The First attempt at the building of a channel tunnel would occur in 1876. An agreement was reached by the French and English to create pilot tunnels. This was to ensure that both sides would be willing to commit to the building of the actual tunnel. The first digging would commence in 1881 on both the French and the English sides. Leading the French team was Alexandre Lavalley (contactor of the Suez Canal) and leading the English side Sir Edward Watkin (British Railway entrepreneur). Both sides had successful first digs, however a year into digging, pressure from British media and politicians would cause the English side to end construction. This led to the ultimate failure of the project as the French could not continue their digging without British approval.

Pre-Modern Attempts

            British prime minister David Lloyd George would be the first person to revive the channel tunnel project. He would make this proposal at the Paris Peace conference following the end of World war 1. However, due to paranoia and nationalism in the years following the war, the project was unable to regain any steam even with the support from the former prime minister. The British public and politicians wanted to protect the British isles after seeing the devastation caused by World war 1 on mainland Europe.

            Not long after though the use of the airplane would cause these fears to change. French and British airpower became so strong that the English channel was virtually useless as a strategic point. There was no longer a defense reason against the building of the tunnel. Talks would begin between the two countries with new geological and technical surveys being conducted in 1964 and 1965. Nearly a decade later construction of the Channel Tunnel would begin in 1974. However, after a year of construction of the project, the British Government would indefinitely suspend the project

Building of the Chunnel

        The British cancelation of the project would last until 1987. In the treaty of canterbury, British prime minister Margaret Thatcher and French prime minister Francois Mitterrand would agree on terms that would allow for the project to proceed. The first drilling of the tunnel would commence the following year. The French would begin their construction in the June of 1988, while the British began their drilling in the December of that same year.

            In the first few months of the project, accidental deaths caused construction to slow down with new safety protocols needing to be implemented. Although, this would not stop the project. Late in the year of 1990, tunnels from both sides of the channel would meet underneath the english channel. Construction and finalizing of the project would happen over the course of the 4 years following this moment. Finally on may 6th, 1994, Queen Elizabeth the second and French prime minister Francois Mitterrand would hold a ceremony commencing the opening of the tunnel.

Maps and Diagrams

Geological Cross-Section of the English Channel and the Chunnel

Organizational Chart of the Channel Tunnel

Map of the Channel Tunnel

Cross-Section of the Channel Tunnel, showing the Two Travel Tunnels and the Middle Service Tunnel

Policy Issues

Geology

The digging of the tunnel was an important and also one of the most complicated parts of building the tunnel. The geological layers of rock that make up the earth under the english channel were permeable layers of chalk. This meant was that the engineers needed to pick a deep layer of rock in order to prevent water from eroding parts of the tunnel. To do this, engineers would choose the "chalk marl" layer. The chalk marl layer was chosen due to its low permeability protecting the tunnel's from erosion, as well as for safety purposes due to this layer having low flint levels. This would later help prevent fires during the dig.

Part of this geological process also included the removal of fossils as well. While fossil digging was not an initial intention of geological surveys, digging uncovered highly fossilized layers of the Holocene and late Glacial eras. The resulting excavations were able to help scientists provide a more detailed picture of life that existed 13,000 years ago within the English Channel Valley.

Defense

The English Channel separates mainland Europe from the British isles. This separation over millenniums has aided in the repelling of invaders from the island. So for the British, creating a tunnel that on some level would render the defense of the channel harder, if not useless, was not something they were keen on. However, as decades progressed the threat of the Channel Tunnel to the British isles defenses weakened. The invention of the airplane and mass use of it in war changed warfare allowing for enemies to simply bomb the isles. With no real defense reason left holding back the British, construction of the tunnel was finally able to happen.

Migrants in the past few years have shown, however, that while a military threat may not exist, a security one does. Back in 2015, the migrant crisis faced by Europe began to put a strain on countries' migrant processing systems. This led to a mass of migrants simply going wherever they wanted to within the EU. Many migrants, after reaching Europe, would decide to make the further journey to Britain. With English being a much more commonly spoken language by these migrants, the UK seemed like a better choice to settle in. Since the UK was still in the EU at the time, freedom of movement would allow for these migrants to attempt just that.

In these attempts to cross, migrants would either try to sneak onto trains to the UK or much more dangerously, they would make attempts at entering the tunnel to cross. Many migrants over the years have died or been detained trying to make this dangerous journey. Although, in recent years both the UK and French governments have committed resources combating this problem by ramping up security at both stations and the tunnel entrance. While this has prevented further deaths from migrants entering the tunnel, migrants are now choosing to try and cross the channel itself, which can be just as dangerous.

Regional Growth and Development

A promise of expanded regional growth in the regions of Kent, UK and Calais, France, helped get public support. Both regions were relatively low income and underdeveloped regions of the UK and France. The project was projected to produce thousands of permanent jobs for both regions and be an economic engine. However, with many of the jobs requiring high skilled labour it was projected before the project even began that 40% of all the jobs required would have to come from labour outside the region. The tunnel has reportedly had little to no direct economic impact on the local economies since its opening. Calais in France does see economic subsidies from the EU for development purposes, however, Kent in the UK did not see any even when the UK was still in the EU. However, there are no reports that indicate that the subsidies received by Calais have anything to do with the presence of the Chunnel itself. The channel tunnel has however been able to facilitate expanded trade between mainland europe and the British isles with 25% of all imports from europe now coming through the tunnel.

A plan to open a second tunnel has also been in talks since the opening of the first one. Back when Margaret Thatcher had finally agreed to the project, part of the deal was that firm Eurotunnel would provide a plan for a second tunnel by the year 2000.  The firm was able to meet their deadline and published their proposal, however there has been no real push for the second tunnel propsed by the firm other than Thatcher herself. Thatcher advocated that a second tunnel be built and that it allow drivers to freely cross it. This plan was deemed much too dangerous as a crash or accident would be much more likely in such a tunnel. While there continues to be no push to build a second tunnel, especially since capacity of the current one sits at only 50%, in recent years driverless technology has convinced many that such a tunnel might be feasible.

Institutional Arrangements

The Channel Tunnel is unique in that it is both a public private partnership and an intergovernmental project. It is a partnership between British private actors, French public actors, the British government, and the French government. In 1985 the Channel Tunnel Group, consisting of two british Banks and five British construction companies, and France-Manche, consisting of three French banks and five French construction companies combined to form Channel Tunnel Group/France-Manche (CTG/F-M) and presented a proposal to the French and British Governments to build the Channel Tunnel.

In 1986 the British and the French signed the Canterbury Treaty which authorized the building of a tunnel between the two nations and set out a framework for how the project was to be managed. The treaty also created the Intergovernmental Commission (IGC) which would represent the governments and oversee the construction and operation of the tunnel. A month later the Concession Agreement was signed giving CTG/F-M the authority to design, finance, construct, and operate the Channel Tunnel for 55 years before transferring it to the governments of the UK and France.

After the signing of the Concession Agreement CGT/F-M was absorbed by the newly created Eurotunnel Group(now known as Getlink.) Eurotunnel contracted with TransManche Link (TML) to construct the tunnel. TML was comprised of Translink and TransManche. Translink was formed by the five construction companies originally a part of the Channel Tunnel group and was responsible for building the British terminal and boring the northern half of the tunnel. TransManche was likewise formed by the five construction companies originally a part of France-Manche and responsible for building the French Terminal and boring the southern half of the tunnel. Once the Construction was complete control of the tunnels was returned to Eurotunnel and TML was dissolved.

Funding + Financing

Funding

Funding was always a major concern for the Channel tunnel. Initial estimates put the cost of the tunnel at £4.8 billion. Eurotunnel planned to raise £6 billion to cover these costs as well as any overruns the project may produce. When the tunnel opened in 1994 over £10 billion had been spent on the project. The budget overruns stem from three main sources: unfixed costs at the time the estimate was made, changes to the design mandated by the IGC, and the sheer size of the project. When the estimate was created in 1986 the only cost that had been fixed in any of the contracts that had been signed was the cost of the tunneling, the cost of the equipment and the rest of the construction had not yet been agreed on. Both the Treaty of Canterbury and the Concession Agreement gave broad oversight powers to the IGC both during construction and operation. The IGC used these powers several times to increase expectations for safety, security, and environmental protections on the project. All of these changes increased the cost of construction and were not anticipated in the original estimate. Finally, the Channel Tunnel was a mega project and mega projects rarely finish on time or on budget. It is clear that Eurotunnel expected overruns as their original plan was to raise £6 billion in capital which would have covered a 25% budget overrun. Tolls and usage fees were intended to pay back the loans required to finance the project as well as the maintenance and operations, and even turn a profit.

Financing

The project was 100% financed by private capital. Margret Thatcher was opposed to the use of public funding for the project. The British were also opposed to the use of public loans for the project to avoid any public risk should the venture fail. This created additional difficulties in financing the project. Eurotunnel had to cover costs with private loans which have much higher interest rates than publicly secured loans; this combined with the project overruns made the project much more expensive than was originally imagined. There were several points during the construction of the tunnel when it was unclear whether Eurotunnel would be able to continue construction of the tunnel as a look through any major British newspaper from the 1990s would confirm.

The tunnel has also experienced much less traffic than was initially estimated. All operational and maintenance financing comes from tolls and usage fees. This is the only way in which the governments of either country financially contribute to the project as the eurostar, the publicly owned passenger rail service between the UK, France, and Belgium does pay guaranteed usage fees to use the route. Lower revenue and higher interest payments than originally anticipated created years of financial uncertainty for the Eurotunnel.The company stayed afloat mostly through debt restructuring and obtaining extensions to their operating period granted in the concession agreement, first to 65 years then to 99 years. Eurotunnel paid its first dividend in 2008, twenty years after building began, at €0.04 per share. Dividend rates had risen as high as €0.41 per share in 2020 but dropped back to €0.05 per share in 2021 as the company reported a net loss of €113 million for the 2020 fiscal year largely due to a drop in usage caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

Narrative of the Case, Lessons, and Takeaways

The Channel Tunnel is an important piece of infrastructure that links England/Scotland/Wales to mainland Europe. The tunnel was centuries in the making, and was the result of careful planning between French and British parties. After the Treaty of Canterbury in 1987, the tunnel would be built. The tunnel was financed through completely private funds. Although the tunnel had less traffic than initially expected and went over budget, it eventually started paying dividends to investors more than twenty years after its completion. From a traveler's point of view, the tunnel has been a great success that has made crossing the English channel more convenient, faster, and cheaper for both personal and commercial uses. In 2017, the chunnel facilitated the passage of over 20 million passengers and 1.6 million commercial trucks. However for investors, the tunnel has never met passenger expectations with the costs still outweighing the benefits by roughly £8 billion.

Efficiency

Overall, the tunnel has a mixed record on efficiency. The channel offers marginal improvements on time and experience crossing the English channel, compared to the only option of ferries that existed before. The journey time by car in le shuttle is roughly 40 minutes through the channel tunnel compared to roughly 90 minutes on a ferry. In addition, the tunnel provides more frequent service than the ferries. In addition, the addition of new options to cross the channel by both car and rail has resulted in cheaper options for consumers due to more competition. On the other hand, it is still hard to call the project “efficient” due to the fact that the project was a disaster for investors. Even with the efficiency improvements for travelers, the tunnel’s exorbitant costs make it hard to justify overall. However, the tunnel did have other ripple effects that are hard to quantify in a cost-benefit analysis, including further investment in Europe's high speed rail network, economic development, and more connectivity between the content and the UK.

Accountability

The tunnel is managed through the private companies and investors that built the tunnel, and this structure will be maintained until 2086. However, safety, security, and economic regulation is managed through the Channel Tunnel Intergovernmental Commission (IGC) that is a joint venture of the British and French governments. There have been safety incidents since the tunnel has opened. The most serious was a fire in 1996 that burned for 12 hours and forced the tunnel to be closed for over a month. Safety plans were disregarded and there were communication difficulties between french and english firefighters. While no one died, there were serious injuries and damage to the tunnel. While other fires have occurred since, none have been as bad as this one.

Adaptability

Although the tunnel from first glance only serves as a rail tunnel, it provides multiple ways of transit across the English channel. The tunnel has high speed passenger rail operated by Eurostar, vehicle and commercial vehicle traffic operated by shuttles, and traditional freight rail trains. Since the tunnel has been built, there have been multiple crises that have hit the tunnel. In the aftermath of Brexit going into effect throughout 2020, there has yet to be an agreement on whether UK or EU rail safety standards will apply in the tunnel. Furthermore, new travel and freight restrictions have affected travelers and freight traffic. While the most disastrous potential outcomes for the tunnel from Brexit have been avoided, the new cross-border travel situation has reduced travel across the tunnel. In addition, the COVID-19 pandemic severely reduced travel in the tunnel. In February 2021, passenger numbers were down 71% and freight traffic was down 31% compared to the year before. This was due to the combined effect of both Brexit and the pandemic. As mentioned earlier, the operators of the tunnel lost €113 million in FY 2020. In recent years the tunnel has also had to deal with a surge of migrants and an immigration crisis. At the height of Europe’s refugee crisis in 2015, over 37,000 migrants tried to flee to the UK using the Chunnel in a 7 month period. Calais, the French side of the tunnel, became home to thousands of migrants living in temporary camps, and the governments of the UK and France were forced to spend millions of dollars reinforcing security.

Discussion Questions

• How will Brexit and the aftermath of the pandemic affect the future of the tunnel?
• In your opinion, was the decision to make the tunnel rail instead of road correct?
• Should the chunnel and other similarly important pieces of infrastructure have been financed through private funds or public funds?

Additional Readings

"The Regional Impact of the Channel Tunnel Throughout the Community." European Commission, Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1996, http://aei.pitt.edu/99131/1/21.pdf.

Goldsmith, Hugh, and Patrick Boeuf. “Digging beneath the Iron Triangle: The Chunnel with 2020 Hindsight.” Journal of Mega Infrastructure & Sustainable Development, vol. 1, no. 1, Routledge, Jan. 2019, pp. 79–93, https://doi.org/10.1080/24724718.2019.1597407.

R W Vickerman (1987) The Channel Tunnel and regional development: a critique of an infra-structure-led growth project, Project Appraisal, 2:1, 31-40, DOI: 10.1080/02688867.1987.9726592 https://doi.org/10.1080/02688867.1987.9726592

Ziegelmeir, Michael. “Privatizing the ‘Chunnel’ Project - Success or Failure? - A Governance Analysis of a Public-Private-Partnership in High-Speed Rail.” Mar. 2019, pp. 1–25., https://www.researchgate.net/publication/336285232_Privatizing_the_Chunnel_project_-_Success_or_failure_-_A_Governance_Analysis_of_a_Public-Private-Partnership_in_High-Speed_Rail

Hoover Dam

George Mason University | 조지메이슨대학교

This casebook is a case study on the Hoover Dam by Leul Lakew, Abrar Samimi-Darzi, Cooper Gandy, and Karen Herrera as part of the Infrastructure Past, Present and Future: GOVT 490-004 (Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government) / CEIE 499-001 (Special Topics in Civil Engineering) Fall 2021 capstone course at George Mason University's Schar School of Policy and Government and the Volgenau School of Engineering Sid and Reva Dewberry Department of Civil, Environmental, and Infrastructure Engineering. Modeled after the Transportation Systems Casebook. Under the instruction of Prof. Jonathan Gifford.

[References - Part 1 ]

Hoover Dam at Night

Summary

The Hoover Dam (formerly know as the Boulder Dam) is located in Clark County, Nevada, and Mohave County, Arizona in the United States. Originally proposed in 1922 by Arthur Powell Davis, the Hoover Dam was meant to prevent flooding, divert water to budding communities, and generate hydroelectric power. The proposition for the dam would be authorized in 1928 by president Coolidge, signed in as “The Boulder Canyon Project Act” it appropriated an estimated $165 million for the project. Being built in the Black Canyon of the Colorado river the Hoover Dam would begin construction in 1931, the Dam would be built by Six Companies Inc. At the time of construction, the Hoover Dam would be both the largest concrete structure and dam ever built. With construction taking place during the Great Depression the construction of the dam attracted tens of thousands of workers to travel to Nevada in order to find work, many of them going to; at the time; the small city of Las Vegas.

The construction of the dam was surrounded by controversy and pushback. Due to the nature and sheer size of the project, many of the techniques used during construction were experimental and untested. With a price tag of $165 million attached to it, many policymakers were hesitant about the project, worrying about the potential failure of the dam and that the diverted water would go almost exclusively to California. This problem would be solved by then-Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover who created the 1922 Colorado River Compact which divided the water proportionally among the seven states affected by the dam. Several years after the Colorado River Compact was signed construction of the dam would begin.

Annotated List of Key Actors and Institutions

Private Sector Actors and Institutions

Six Companies, Inc.

The Hoover Dam was built by the Six Companies, Inc. which was a joint venture made up of eight companies, the first five of which were Morrison-Knudsen Co., Utah Construction Co., J. F. Shea Co., Pacific Bridge Co., MacDonald & Kahn Ltd.; the next three companies that make up the Six Companies are [Another Joint Venture] Company consisting of W. A. Bechtel Co., Henry J. Kaiser Co., Ltd. (also known as Kaiser Paving Co. Ltd.), and the Warren Brothers Company (also known as the Warren Brothers of Massachusetts).

1. Morrison-Knudsen Co. (Morrison & Knudsen Co.): was a construction company headquartered in Boise, Idaho, founded by Harry Morrison and Morris Knudsen.
2. Utah Construction Co. (Utah Construction Company): was a construction company headquartered in Ogden, Utah.
   • Two of its key leaders Edmund O. Wattis and William H. Wattis took a leading role in the creating the organizational structure and incorporation of the Six Companies Joint Venture.
3. J. F. Shea Co.: is a construction company that at the time of the Hoover Dam's construction was based out of Portland, Oregon.
4. Pacific Bridge Co. (Pacific Bridge Company): was an engineering firm and construction company based out of Portland, Oregon.
5. MacDonald & Kahn Ltd. (MacDonald & Kahn Construction Co.): is a construction company headquartered in San Francisco, California
6. [Another Joint Venture] Company (due to the companies not having enough money to enter as individual partners to the Six Companies, they combined their resources to qualify):
   1. W. A. Bechtel Co.: is an infrastructure construction, engineering, and energy company that which at the time of the construction of the Hoover Dam was based in San Francisco, California but its successor corporation has since relocated its headquarters to Reston, Virginia.
   2. Henry J. Kaiser Co., Ltd. (also known as Kaiser Paving Co. Ltd.): was a road paving and construction company originally operating in Vancouver, British Columbia (Canada) and Washington State (United States), but by the start of the Hoover Dam construction it had already relocated to Oakland, California (United States).
   3. Warren Brothers Company (also known as the Warren Brothers of Massachusetts): was coal tar, asphalt, and pavement producing company based out of Boston, Massachusetts.

Unified Structure of the Six Companies Joint Venture

• Frank T. Crowe, a civil engineer, former General Superintendent of Construction of the United States Reclamation Service (now knows as the Bureau of Reclamation), at the time employed by Morrison-Knudsen Co. was designated the (Six Companies) joint venture's lead General Superintendent for Hoover Dam due to his prior technical experience in dam building and water reclamation.
• Henry John Kaiser of Henry J. Kaiser Co., Ltd., was one of two architects who designed the Hoover Dam.
• Gordon Bernie Kaufmann, was one of two architects who designed the Hoover Dam.

Public Sector Actors and Institutions

United States Federal Government

The Federal Government of the United States of America played a key role in the building of the Hoover Dam and related Boulder Canyon Projects dealing with the Colorado River System and Colorado River Basin. The United States Government is also the current owner of dam.

• United States Congress
  • Boulder Canyon Project Act of 1928, introduced by Senator Hiram Johnson (R-CA) and Representative Phil Swing (R, CA-11) was the law that commissioned the construction of a dam and appropriated money designated for the Department of the Interior to hire a firm or firms to construct the Boulder Dam (now known as the Hoover Dam)
• Executive Office of the President of the United States: Calvin Coolidge, President of the United States, signs the Boulder Canyon Project Act of 1928 into law.
• Department of the Interior (DOI): was the lead government department that handled the government side of planning the Boulder Canyon Project
  • United States Bureau of Reclamation: is the agency within the Department of the Interior that commissioned the bid looking for companies to that would build the dam, it eventually chose the joint venture known as the Six Companies, Inc.. The Bureau of Reclamation is currently the operator of the Hoover Dam.
  • United States Geological Survey (USGS):
    • Arthur P. Davis (Arthur Powell Davis), one of the first people to propose the building of a dam on the Colorado River.

Signatories to the Colorado River Compact of 1922

The Colorado River Compact of 1922 is an interstate compact between seven Colorado River Basin states and the United States Government that deals with the sharing of water resources between the states relating to the Colorado River on which the Boulder Dam (and other Boulder Canyon Projects) are built on.

• State of Arizona: represented by Commissioner W.S. Norviel
• State of California: represented by Commissioner W.F. McClure
• State of Colorado: represented by Commissioner Delph E. Carpenter
• State of Nevada: represented by Commissioner J.G. Scrugham
• State of New Mexico: represented by Commissioner Stephen B. Davis, Jr.
• State of Utah: represented by Commissioner R.E. Caldwell
• State of Wyoming: represented by Commissioner Frank C. Emerson
• United States of America (U.S. Federal Government): represented by Herbert Hoover as Representative of the United States Government in an appointed position and was simultaneously holding the position of Secretary of Commerce - Department of Commerce (he later becomes a President of the United States).

Timeline of Events

Timeline of events:

May 1869 - Major John Wesley Powell (a one-armed Civil War veteran, and Director, U.S. Geological Survey (USGS)) makes his first recorded trip through the Grand Canyon and down the length of the Colorado River to record topography information for public use/intel.

April 1902 - President Theodore Roosevelt signs the Reclamation Act. Reclamation Service engineers begin investigating the Colorado River for possible uses.

March 1905 -  Rains cause the Colorado River to flood into the Imperial Valley, creating an inland sea across a hundred and fifty square miles. About $3 million in damages were done before the water levels reached normal.

April 1920 - Congress passes the Kinkaid Act authorizing the Secretary of Interior to investigate the Imperial Valley inland sea formation.

February 1922 - Arthur P. Davis (responding to congress regarding the Kinkaid Act. after his investigation) proposed the construction of a high dam on the Colorado River. He stated the government could recoup the cost of construction by selling the electric power generated by the dam to the cities in Southern California.

December 1928 - The Boulder Canyon Project Act, introduced by Senator Hiram Johnson and Representative Phil Swing, both of California, passes in the House and Senate and is signed by President Calvin Coolidge.

June 1929 - Herbert Hoover takes charge of negotiations as six of seven basin states approves the Colorado River Compact. The basin states include Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, and Wyoming. Arizona did not approve the dam construction.

March 1931 - The Bureau of Reclamation opens bids for the construction of the dam. The winning bid was $48,890,995 to a private joint venture made of 6 renowned construction and design firms.

November 1932 - November: The Colorado River is diverted around the dam site.

June 1933 - First concrete is poured at Hoover Dam site.

February 1935 - The Hoover Dam starts impounding water in Lake Mead.

May 1935 - The last concrete is poured at the dam site.

September 1935 - President Franklin D. Roosevelt attends and speaks at the dedication of Boulder (Hoover) Dam.

March 1947 - House Resolution 140, officially declaring that the dam at Boulder Canyon be named Hoover Dam, for former President Herbert Hoover, is introduced to Congress. It is passed two days later, moves on to be approved in the Senate.

April 1947 - President Harry S. Truman signs a resolution officially declaring that the dam at Boulder Canyon be named Hoover Dam.

Present-day - The water level in the largest reservoir of the United States (Lake Meade) is the lowest it has ever been. Starting 2022, water allocations would be cut over the next year. The biggest cut will come to Arizona, 8 percent.

Maps of Locations

Risk Allocation

Being the biggest concrete structure of the time the Hoover Dam had a lot of risks involved in its construction. There was a significant amount of risk placed on the government, which had appropriated $165 million or $2.6 billion today. As previously mentioned a lot of the construction methods used for the Hoover Dam were experimental and largely untested. This put a lot of pressure on the government as if this project failed there would be a lot of negative attention put on them, and when combined with the upcoming depression would have shifted public perception against the government.

The further risk was involved with the 7 states who stood to benefit from the Dam. As if the dam failed many of the cities that formed around the river likely wouldn’t have prospered if the dam failed and would have hurt the development of the southwest. Without the Dam, the lack of irrigation water in these cities would devastate the farming industry in these areas. Even there is the risk of the dam breaking. If the Dam were to break more than 3.5 trillion gallons of water would set loose and cause massive damage to everything in its path. And all of the cities that rely on the water from the dam would dry up and suffer from massive droughts.

During its construction, there were a lot of risks put onto the workers who had to construct the dam. Beyond the risks that come with building a dam, due to the lack of tested construction techniques and bad weather, an official count stated that 96  workers died during construction. Further deaths that weren’t included in the official counts were deaths by pneumonia, heatstroke, or other deaths caused by things not immediately related to the Dam.

Policy and Technical Issues

Geology

The beginning to the creation of the Hoover Dam involved the diversion of tunnels, these tunnels served as waterway sources. Due to so many rocks being in the way, engineers had to use dynamites in certain sections to remove the rocks. This project was created due to its engineering and with the help of workers. From this point on, workers had to then shovel 382 cubic meters of deposits to reach the bedrock layer. On June 6, 1933, concrete was applied to the base of the dam. Then again on May 29, 1935, another layer of concrete was applied to finish this portion of the project.  This was one of the most important things that led to the building of the Hoover Dam but was a challenge that the engineers faced. The use of concrete would take too long to dry which would lead to the project being delayed by years. The solution to this problem was to use rows and columns and using pumps that would transfer cold water through pipes. This was a success since they were able to build the dam 2 years before its expected built time.

The Dam was created in interlocking blocks, the biggest blocks measured at 25 x 60 feet, and the smallest block measured at 25 x 25 feet. The engineers had to become creative as to how they chose to deliver the concrete. They decided to use buckets to transfer the concrete into the blocks. From this point on, “Pullers'' would pack the concrete in place. This was an important part to the project, since if done wrong air pockets could later form.

Economic

In 1922 the Federal director Arthur Powell Davis designed a plan to propose to congress called the “ Boulder Canyon Project” to propose to congress. This plan indicated that with the benefits to building the dam would include flooding control, irrigation, it would incorporate the use and sale of hydroelectric power. Congress was hesitant to sign off on the project due to it costing nearly $165 million dollars. Something that helped the Hoover Dam be built was The Colorado River Compact, which was created in 1922 by Herbert Hoover.  This made sure that the water was dispersed evenly between the states of Arizona, New Mexico, Utah, Colorado, Wyoming, Nevada, and California.  Due to the contribution of the president in December 1928, the Hoover Dam was named after the president.

The Hoover Dam faced economic issues due to the time frame.  The Hoover Dam was built during the Great Depression, which made it difficult to fund and workers were needed. In order to solve this problem, the state of Nevada built 5,000 houses for the workers in Boulder City.  This became an incentive for many jobless men facing difficulties during the Great Depression. The city had no elected officials and was run by the U.S by the U.S Bureau of Reclamation. To bring revenue the construction of the Boulder Dam hotel had also been done. This hotel was used to host events and have important political figures come and bring awareness to the Dam.

Environment

The construction of the Dam has brought negative impacts to the environment. For starters, the Dam has disturbed the aquatic life and ecosystem. For starters, it has led to the destruction of many habitats. This has led to water flow direction changing drastically, which has led to an increase in sediments into the water. The Dam has lowered the water temperature and due to this many fish have died. Studies have stated that 76% of the wildlife population has been lost. Dams have also been linked to the destruction of many ecosystems.  There are raising concerts due to the water drought that has been occurring throughout the years. The water level has dropped 1,071.56 feet and has raised some concerns. Due to the drought, many farmers have been affected and have abandoned their farms.

Water Rights:

In the 1890’s water stopped flowing down the Hila River and was now being distributed to other areas to help local farmers, settlers etc. Many of the Native Americans were left with no water, which affected their crop growth. In 1908 this went to court and the supreme court was not able to make any changes to this. In order for the Hoover Dam to be built, they had to include providing a water source for the Pima tribe. They came to an agreement which later on ended being one of the reasons as to how the Dam was built. Sadly, nothing really changed and the tribe was not getting enough water. As a result of this, they were not able to economically grow and many died. Many believe that the building of the Dam killed more than 500 Native Americans. Arizona ended up benefiting from the water source the dam was able to provide.

Narrative of the Case

Background

Diagram of the Hoover Dam

During the late 1890s, the United States was trying to develop the southwest, and the Colorado River was seen as an ideal source of water for budding cities. Initial attempts to use the river's resources were done by creating a canal to divert the water for irrigation purposes. While the canal did provide enough water to encourage settlement of the surrounding valley, the canal would soon prove to be too costly to maintain and operate and would eventually breach and flow into the Salton Sink, filling it up creating the Salton Sea. [1] In 1902 the Edison Electric Company would survey the river in hopes of creating a hydroelectric dam, but due to technological limits of the time, the project would end up falling through. However, Arthur Powell Davis would take that idea and expand upon it, proposing what would eventually become the Hoover Dam. After his initial proposal was rejected in 1922, Davis would work with the Bureau of Reclamation (BOR) and would create a new report suggesting to build a dam on the Colorado River at Boulder Canyon for flood control and hydroelectric power generation.  Despite initially being called the Boulder Canyon Project, the dam would end up being constructed in Black Canyon after the BOR investigated the site and found Black Canyon to have the ideal conditions for construction. The Hoover Dam would be the victim of immense scrutiny and criticism, as the states involved were worried that the water and power generated by the Dam wouldn’t be split equally and the flourishing California would reap most of the benefits. In order to relieve this criticism Delph Carpenter; a Colorado Attorney would propose that the seven states (Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, and Wyoming) should form an interstate compact. After meeting with then-Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover, the Colorado River Compact would be signed in November of 1922. [5] Even with the Colorado River Compact, the dam would suffer heavy scrutiny, especially after the failure of St. Francis Dam in California which was similar in design to what the Hoover Dam was proposed to be. After this incident congress issued a board of engineers to review the dam, they would find the project feasible but still cautioned them to be constructed with great care. On December 21, 1928, President Coolidge would sign the bill that authorized the Boulder Canyon Project Act, appropriating an estimated $165 million for the project. A consortium called Six Companies Inc. would eventually win the bid to construct the dam.

Construction

Since the dam needs to be constructed on a dry riverbed, the Colorado River water had to be diverted first. Four, 56 feet wide diversion tunnels were built (two on each side of the river) by blasting through the canyon using dynamite. Then workers used hammers to further break down rocks from the canyon. Then they used the excavated rocks to create cofferdams to force the water flow into the diversion tunnels.

Once the dry riverbed was exposed, the workers had to smooth the canyon surface to prevent leaks and allow the installation of the designed dam. The Hoover Dam uses a gravity-arch design which enables it to stay in place using the weight of its concrete and the weight of the water it holds, forcing it into the canyon floor and walls, which is why it is important for the surfaces of the canyon to be smooth. The concept of hardhats was also invented during this phase of the Hoover Dam’s construction.

If the entire dam’s concrete was poured in a single pour, the concrete would dry for 125 years and would also break under its own weight. So the dam was divided into several rectangular moulded sections. The moulds were fitted with steel pipes that carried river water through them so the concrete would cure faster. Once that section cured, they built a mould section above it using the same method until the entire wall of the dam was built. As the wall got taller, it got harder to get concrete up to where it had to be. So they designed suspension cables which carried buckets of concrete above. Almost 90 million cubic feet of concrete was used to build the dam. This was the largest concrete structure that had ever been built. The 726 feet high dam was complete and the diversion tunnels were sealed shut, creating the reservoir we know today as Lake Meade. The power plant component of the structure was constructed during the structure of the main dam. The hydroelectric facility produces 4.2 billion kilowatt-hours.

Impact and Operations

Today, the Hoover Dam is owned by the United States Government and is operated by the United States Bureau of Reclamation. The Hoover Dam brought an innovative way of generating water known as Hydropower. Hydropower helped energize many mills and factories.  The creation of Hydropower also helped many farmers since now they would have a water source. The Dam became not only the biggest project to be built but also became the largest Electric power. During this time period, this project helped provide jobs at a time where it was really needed. The Hoover Dam also brought attraction to the West and increased tourism, ultimately leading to an increase of both social and economic growth. Currently the Hoover Dam produces 4 billion kilowatt-hours per year and for electrical power it serves the states of Nevada, Arizona, and California.

Discussion Questions

What can we do to combat the drought that is threatening the Hoover Dam and bring the water level back up to its original state?

If the Hoover Dam does dry up, what would be a viable alternative to provide the states that rely on it with new power and water?

Without the Hoover Dam, how do you think the American Southwest would have developed?

Lesson Learned / Takeaways

1. Using federal funding to pay for domestic infrastructure, which generates revenue (in this case generation of electricity), is a very low risk investment of federal funds and has high long-term return. By 1987, the cost of construction of the Hoover Dam was paid back to federal funds with interest.

2. The sooner we understand our environment and agree on an end goal for development, the sooner we can act to improve our environment. The Colorado river was useful in this case because of its high slopes that carry water. We were able to harness the power of the flow of the river to generate electricity, irrigate farmland, prevent flooding, create jobs, and stimulate the economy. But this understanding of the environment and passing the bill to create this infrastructure was a 50-year process.

3. Due to climate change, we must build infrastructure that is meant to control a much larger range of water conditions. Southwestern states are experiencing the longest drought in U.S. history. We must increase the range for the conditions which our water resource infrastructure must control. This is done by designing water resource infrastructure which can handle significant changes in water conditions such as flow rate and velocity.

Additional Readings

Change Name of Boulder Dam to Hoover Dam. (1947). [s.n.].

Dunar, & McBride, D. (1993). Building Hoover Dam : an oral history of the Great Depression . Maxwell Macmillan International.

Hiltzik. (2010). Colossus : Hoover Dam and the making of the American century (1st Free Press hardcover ed.). Free Press.

References

Leul Lakew, Abrar Samimi-Darzi, Cooper Gandy, Karen Herrera; (Hoover Dam Group / Group 5). “Hoover Dam (Infrastructure Past, Present, and Future Casebook/Hoover Dam).” Infrastructure Past, Present, and Future Casebook: George Mason University Schar School of Policy and Government -  Volgenau School of Engineering (GOVT 490-004 Synthesis Seminar for Policy & Government / CEIE 499-001 Special Topics in Civil Engineering - Fall 2021), Nov. 2021, https://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Infrastructure_Past,_Present,_and_Future_Casebook/Hoover_Dam.

Leul Lakew, Abrar Samimi-Darzi, Cooper Gandy, Karen Herrera - Hoover Dam Group). “Hoover Dam (Infrastructure Past, Present, and Future Casebook/Hoover Dam).” Infrastructure Past, Present, and Future Casebook: George Mason University Schar School of Policy and Government - Volgenau School of Engineering, Fall 2021 (Nov. 2021), https://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Infrastructure_Past,_Present,_and_Future_Casebook/Hoover_Dam.